THE LIFE OF DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
MY DEAR SON,
I HAVE amused myself with collecting some little anecdotes of my family. You may
remember the enquiries I made, when you were with me in England, among such of my
relations as were then living; and the journey I undertook for that purpose. To be
acquainted with the particulars of my parentage and life, many of which are unknown
to you; I flatter myself, will afford the same pleasure to you as to me. I shall
relate them upon paper: it will be an agreeable employment of a week's uninterrupted
leasure, which I promise myself during my present retirement in the country. There
are also other motives which induce me to the undertaking. From the bosom of poverty
and obscurity, in which I drew my first breath and spent my earliest years, I have
raised myself to a state of opulence and to some degree of celebrity in the world. A
constant good fortune has attended me through every period of life to my
present advanced age; and my descendants may be desirous of learning what were the
means of which I made use, and which, thanks to the assisting hand of Providence,
have proved so eminently successful. They may also, should they ever be placed in a
similar situation, derive some advantage from my narrative.
When I reflect, as I frequently do, upon the felicity I have enjoyed, I sometimes say
to myself, that, were the offer made me, I would engage to run again, from beginning
to end, the same career of life. All I would ask should be the privilege of an
author, to correct, in a second edition, certain errors of the first. I could wish,
likewise, if it were in my power, to change some trivial incidents and events for
others more favourable. Were this however denied me, still would I not decline the
offer. But since a repetition of life cannot take place, there is nothing which, in
my opinion, so nearly resembles it, as to call to mind all its circumstances, and, to
render their remembrance more durable, commit them to writing. By thus employing
myself, I shall yield to the inclination, so natural to old men, to talk of
themselves and their exploits, and may freely follow my bent, without being tiresome
to those who, from respect to my age, might think themselves obliged to listen to
me; as they will be at liberty, to read me or not as they please. In fine—and
I may well avow it, since nobody would believe me were I to deny it—I shall perhaps,
by this employment, gratify my vanity. Scarcely indeed have I ever heard or read the
introductory phrase, "I may say without vanity," but some striking and
characteristic instance of vanity has immediately followed. The generality of men
hate vanity in others, however strongly they may be tinctured with it themselves;
for myself, I pay obeisance to it wherever I meet with it, persuaded that it is
advantageous, as well to the individual it governs, as to those who are within the
sphere of its influence. Of consequence, it would, in many cases, not be wholly
absurd, that a man should count his vanity among the other sweets of life, and give
thanks to Providence for the blessing.
And here let me with all humility acknowledge, that to Divine Providence I am
indebted for the felicity I have hitherto enjoyed. It is that power alone which has
furnished me with the means I have employed, and that has crowned them with success
My faith in this respect leads me to hope, though I cannot count upon it, that the
divine goodness will still be exercised towards me, either by prolonging the duration
of my happiness to the close of life, or by giving me fortitude to support any
melancholy reverse, which may happen to me, as to so many others. My future fortune
is unknown but to him in whose hand is our destiny, and who can make our very
afflictions subservient to our benefit.
One of my uncles, desirous like myself, of collecting anecdotes of our family, gave
me some notes, from which I have derived many particulars respecting our ancestors.
From these I learn, that they had lived in the same village (Eaton in
Northamptonshire) upon a freehold of about thirty acres, for the space at least of
three hundred years. How long they had resided there prior to that period, my uncle
had been unable to discover; probably ever since the institution of surnames, when
they took the appellation of Franklin, which had formerly been the name of a
particular order of individuals *.
This petty estate would not have sufficed for their subsistence, had they not added
the trade of blacksmith, which was perpetuated in the family down to my uncle's time,
the eldest son having been uniformly brought up to this employment: a custom which
both he and my father observed with respect to their eldest sons.
In the researches I made at Eaton, I found no account of their births,
marriages, and deaths, earlier than the year 1555; the parish register not extending
farther back than that period. This register informed me, that I was the youngest son
of the youngest branch of the family, counting five generations. My grandfather,
Thomas, who was born in 1598, living at Eaton till he was too old to continue his
trade, when he retired to Banbury in Oxfordshire, where his son John, who was a dyer,
resided, and with whom my father was apprenticed. He died, and was buried there: we
saw his monument in 1758. His eldest son lived in the family house at Eaton, [Page
10]which be bequeathed, with the land belonging to it, to his only daughter; who, in
concert with her husband, Mr. Fisher of Wellingborough, afterwards sold it to Mr.
Ested, the present proprietor.
My grandfather had four surviving sons, Thomas, John, Benjamin, and Josias. I shall
give you such particulars of them as my memory will furnish, not having my papers
here, in which you will find a more minute account, if they are not lost during my
absence.
Thomas had learned the trade of blacksmith under his father; but possessing a good
natural understanding, he improved it by study, at the solicitation of a gentleman
of the name of Palmer, who was at that time the principal inhabitant of the village,
and who encouraged in like manner all my uncles to improve their minds. Thomas thus
rendered himself competent to the functions of a country attorney; soon became an
essential personage in the affairs of the village; and was one of the chief movers of
every public enterprize, as well relative to the country as the town of Northampton.
A variety of remarkable incidents were told us of him at Eaton. After enjoying the
esteem and patronage of Lord Halifax, he died, January 6, 1702, precisely four years
before I was born. The recital that was made us of his life and character, by some
aged persons of the village, struck you, I remember, as extraordinary, from its
analogy to what you knew of myself "Had he died," said you, "just four years
later, one might have supposed a transmigration of souls."
John, to the best of my belief, was brought up to the trade of a wool-dyer.
Benjamin served his apprenticeship in London to a silk-dyer. He was an industrious
man: I remember him well; for, while I was a child, he joined my father at Boston,
and lived for some years in the house with us. A particular affection had always
subsisted between my father and him; and I was his godson. He arrived to a great
age. He left behind him two quarto volumes of poems in manusscript, consisting of
little fugitive pieces addressed to his friends. He had invented a shorthand, which
he taught me, but having never made use of it, I have now forgotten it. He was a man
of piety, and a constant attendant on the best preachers, whose sermons he took a
pleasure in writing down according to the expeditory method he had devised. Many
volumes were thus collected by him. He was also extremely fond of politics, too much
so perhaps for his situation. I lately found in London a collection which he had made
of all the principal pamphlets relative to public affairs, from the year 1641 to
1717. Many volumes are wanting, as appears by the series of numbers; but there still
remain eight in folio, and twenty four in quarto and octavo. The collection had
fallen into the hands of a second-hand bookseller, who, knowing me by having
sold me some books, brought it to me. My uncle, it seems, had left it behind him on
his departure for America, about fifty years ago. I found various notes of his
writing in the margins. His grandson, Samuel, is now living at Boston.
Our humble family had early embraced the Reformation. They remained faithfully
attached during the reign of Queen Mary, when they were in danger of being molested
on account of their zeal against popery. They had an English Bible, and, to conceal
it the more secure [...]y, they conceived the project of fastening it, open, with
pack-thread [...] across the leaves, on the inside of the lid of a close-stool. When
my great-grandfather wished to read to his family, he reversed the lid of the
close-stool upon his knees, and passed the leaves from one side to the other, which
were held down on each by the pack-thread. One of the children was stationed at the
door, to give notice if he saw the proctor (an officer of the spiritual court) make
his appearance: in that case, the lid was restored to its place, with the Bible
concealed under it as before. I had this anecdote from my uncle Benjamin.
The whole family preserved its attachment to the Church of England till towards the
close of the reign of Charles II. when certain ministers, who had been ejected as
non-conformists, having held conventicles in Northhamptonshire, they were joined by
Benjamin and Josias, who adhered to them over after. The rest of the family
continued in the episcopal church.
My father, Josias, married early in life. He went with his wife and three children,
to New-England, about the year 1682. Conventicles being at that time prohibited by
law, and frequently disturbed, some considerable persons of his acquaintance
determined to go to America, where they hoped to enjoy the free exercise of their
religion, and my father was prevailed on to accompany them.
My father had also by the same wife four children born in America, and ten others by
a second wife, making in all seventeen. I remember to have seen thirteen seated
together at his table, who all arrived to years of maturity, and were married. I was
the last of the sons, and the youngest child, excepting two daughters. I was born at
Boston in New-England. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of
Peter Folger, one of the first colonists of New-England, of whom Cotton Mather makes
honourable mention, in his Ecclesiastical History of that province, as "a pious
learned Englishman," if I rightly recollect his expressions. I have been told of his
having written a variety of little pieces; but there appears to be only one in print,
which I met with many years ago. It was published in the year 1675, and is in
familiar verse, agreeable to the tast of the times and the country. The author
addresses himself to the governors for the time being, speaks for liberty
of conscience, and in favour of the anabaptists, quakers and other sectaries, who had
suffered persecution. To this persecution he attributes the wars with the natives,
and other calamities which afflicted the country, regarding them as the judgments of
God in punishment of so odious an offence, and he exhorts the government to the
repeal of laws so contrary to charity. The poem appeared to be written with a manly
freedom and a pleasing simplicity. I recollect the six concluding lines, though I
have forgotten the order of words of the two first; the sense of which was, that his
censures were dictated by benevolence, and that, of consequence, he wished to be
known as the author; because said he, I hate from my very soul dissimulation;
From Sherburne,* where I dwell,
I therefore put my name,
Your friend, who means you well,
PETER FOLGER.
My brothers were all put apprentice to different trades. With respect to myself, I
was sent, at the age of eight years, to a grammar school. My father destined me for
the church, and already regarded me as the chaplain of the family. The promptitude
with which from my infancy I had learned to read, for I do not remember to have been
ever without this acquirement, and the encouragement of his friends, who
assured him that I should one day certainly become a man of letters, confirmed him in
this design. My uncle Benjamin approved also of the scheme, and promised to give me
all his volumes of sermons, written, as I have said, in the shorthand of his
invention, if I would take the pains to learn it.
I remained however scarcely a year at grammar-school, although, in this short
interval, I had risen from the middle to the head of my class, from thence to the
class immediately above, and was to pass, at the end of the year, to the one next in
order. But my father, burthened with a numerous family, found that he was incapable,
without subjecting himself to difficulties, of providing for the expence of a
collegiate education; and considering besides, as I heard him say to his friends,
that persons so educated were often poorly provided for, he renounced his first
intentions, took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to a school for writing and
arithmetic, kept by a Mr. George Brownwel, who was a skilful master, and succeeded
very well in his profession by employing gentle means only, and such as were
calculated to encourage his scholars. Under him I soon acquired an excellent hand;
but I failed in arithmetic, and made therein no sort of progress.
At ten years of age, I was called home to assist my father in his
occupation▪ which was that of soap-boiler and tallow-chandler; a business to which he
had served no apprenticeship, but which he embraced on his arrival in New-England,
because he found his own, that of a dyer, in too little request to enable him to
maintain his family. I was accordingly employed in cutting the wicks, filling the
moulds, taking care of the shop, carrying messages, &c.
This business displeased me, and I felt a strong inclination for a sea life; but my
father set his face against it. The vicinity of the water, however, gave me frequent
opportunities of venturing myself both upon and within it, and I soon acquired the
art of swimming, and of managing a boat.—When embarked with other children, the helm
was commonly deputed to me, particularly on difficult occasions; and, in every other
project, I was a almost always the leader of the troop, whom I sometimes involved in
embarrassments. I shall give an instance of this, which demonstrates an early
disposition of mind for public enterprise, though the one in question was not
conducted by justice.
The mill-pond was terminated on one side by a marsh, upon the borders of which we
were accustomed to take our stand, at high water, to angle for small fish. By dint of
walking, we had converted the place into a perfect quagmire. My proposal was to erect
a wharf that should afford us firm footing and I pointed out to my
companions a large heap of stones, intended for building a new house near the marsh,
and which were well adapted for our purpose. Accordingly, when the workmen retired in
the evening, I assembled a number of my play [...]ellows, and by labouring
diligently, like ants, sometimes four of us uniting our strength to carry a single
stone, we removed them all, and constructed our little quay. The workmen were
surprised the next morning at not finding their stones, which had been conveyed to
our wharf. Enquiries were made respecting the authors of this conveyance; we were
discovered; complaints were exhibited against us; many of us underwent correction on
the part of our parents; and though I strenuously defended the utility of the work,
my father at length convinced me, that nothing which was not strictly honest could be
useful.
It will not, perhaps, be uninteresting to you to know what sort of a man my father
was. He had an excellent constitution, was of a middle size, but well made and
strong, and extremely active in whatever he undertook. He designed with a degree of
neatness, and knew a little of music. His voice was sonorous and agreeable; so that
when he sung a psalm or hymn with accompaniment of his violin, as was his frequent
practice in an evening when the labours of the day were finished, it was truly
delightful to hear him. He was versed also in mechanics, and could upon
occasion, use the tools of a variety of trades. But his greatest excellence was a
sound understanding and solid judgment in matters of prudence, both in public and
private life. In the former indeed he never engaged, because his numerous family
and the mediocrity of his fortune, kept him unremittingly employed in the duties of
his profession. But I very well remember that the leading men of the place used
frequently to come and ask his advice respecting affairs of the town, or of the
church to which he belonged, and that they paid much difference to his opinion.
Individuals were also in the habit of consulting him in their private affairs, and
he was often chosen arbiter between contending parties.
He was fond of having at his table, as often as possible, some friends or
well-informed neighbours capable of rational conversation, and he was always careful
to introduce useful or ingenious topics of discourse, which might tend to form the
minds of his children. By this means he early attracted our attention to what was
just, prudent, and beneficial in the conduct of life. He never talked of the meats
which appeared upon the table, never discussed whether they were well or ill
dressed, of a good or bad flavour, high-seasoned or otherwise, preferable or inferior
to this or that dish of a similar kind. Thus accustomed, from my infancy, to the
utmost inattention as to these objects, I have always been perfectly [Page
19]regardless of what kind of food was before me; and I pay so little attention to it
even now, that it would be a hard matter for me to recollect, a few hours after I had
dined, of what my dinner had consisted. When travelling, I have particularly
experienced the advantage of this habit; for it has often happened to me to be in
company with persons, who, having a more delicate, because a more exercised taste,
have suffered in many cases considerable inconvenience; while, as to myself, I have
had nothing to desire.
My mother was likewise possessed of an excellent constitution. She suckled all her
ten children, and I never heard either her or my father complain of any other
disorder, than that of which they died: my father at the age of eighty-seven, and my
mother at eighty-five. They are buried at Boston, where, a few years ago, I placed a
marble over their grave, with this inscription: ‘Here lie JOSIAS FRANKLIN and ABIAH
his wife: They lived together with reciprocal affection for fifty-nine years; and
without private fortune, without lucrative employment, by assiduous labour and
honest industry, decently supported a numerous family, and educated, with success,
thirteen children, and seven grand-children. Let this example, reader, encourage
thee diligently to discharge the duties of thy calling, and to rely on the
support of divine providence.’
‘He was pious and prudent, She discreet and virtuous. Their youngest son, from a
sentiment of filial duty, consecrated this stone To their memory.’
I perceive, by my rambling digressions, that I am growing old. But we do not dress
for a private company as for a formal ball. This deserves perhaps the name of
negligence.
To return. I thus continued employed in my father's trade for the space of two years;
that is to say, till I arrived at twelve years of age. About this time my brother
John, who had served his apprenticeship in London, having quitted my father, and
being married and settled in business on his own account at Rhode-Island, I was
destined, to all appearance, to supply his place, and be a candle-maker all my life:
but my dislike of this occupation continuing, my father was apprehensive, that, if
a more agreeable one were not offered me, I might play the tru [...]t and escape to
sea; as, to his extreme mortification, my brother Josias had done. He therefore took
me sometimes to see masons, coopers, braziers, joiners, and other mechanics,
employed at their work; in order to discover the bent of my inclination, and fix it
if he could upon some occupation that might retain me on shore. I have since, in
consequence of those visits, derived no small pleasure from seeing skilful
workmen handle their tools; and it has proved of considerable benefit, to have
acquired thereby sufficient knowledge to be able to make little things for myself,
when I have had no mechanic at hand, and to construct small machines for my
experiments, while the idea I have conceived has been fresh and strongly impressed
on my imagination.
My father at length decided that I should be a cutler, and I was placed for some days
upon trial with my cousin Samuel, son of my uncle Benjamin, who had learned this
trade in London, and had established himself at Boston. But the premium he required
for my apprenticeship displeasing my father, I was recalled home.
From my earliest years I had been passionately fond of reading, and I laid out in
books all the little money I could procure. I was particularly pleased with accounts
of voyages. My first acquisition was Bunyan's collection in small separate volumes.
These I afterwards sold in order to buy an historical collection by R. Burton, which
consisted of small cheap volumes, amounting in all to about forty or fifty. My
father's little library was principally made up of books of practical and polemical
theology. I read the greatest part of them. I have since often regretted, that at a
time when I had so great a thirst for knowledge, more eligible books had not fallen
into my hands, as it was then a point decided that I should not be educated for the
church. There was also among my father's books [...]lutarch's L [...]ves in
which I read continually, and I still regard as advantageously employed the time I
devoted to them. I found besides a work of De Fou's, entitled, and Essay on Projects,
from which, perhaps, I derived impressions that have since influenced some of the
principal events of my life.
My inclination for books at last determined my father to make me a printer, though
he had already a son in that profession. My brother had returned from England in
1717, with a press and types, in order too establish a printing-house at Boston. This
business pleased me much better than that of my father, though I had still a
predilection for the sea. To prevent the effects which might result from this
inclination, my father was impatient to see the engaged with my brother. I held ba
[...] for some time; at length however I suffered myself to be persuaded, and signed
my indentures, being then only twelve years of age. It was agreed that I should
serve as apprentice to the age of twenty-one, and should receive jorneyman's wages
only during the last year.
In a very short time I made great proficiency in this business, and became very
serviceable to my brother. I had now an opportunity of procuring better books. The
acquaintance I necessarily formed with bookseller's apprentices, enabled me to
borrow a volume now and then, which I never failed to return punctually and without
injury. How often has it happened to me to pass the greater part of the
night in reading by my bed-side, when the book had been lent me in the evening, and
was to be returned the next morning, lest it might be missed or wanted.
At length, Mr. Matthew Adams, an ingenious tradesman, who had a handsome collection
of books, and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of me. He invited me to
see his library, and had the goodness to lend me any books I was desirous of reading.
I then took a strange fancy for poetry, and composed several little pieces. My
brother, thinking he might find his account in it, encouraged me, and engaged me to
write two ballads. One, called the Lighthouse Tragedy, contained an account of the
shipwreck of captain Worthilake and his two daughters; the other was a sailor's song
on the capture of the noted pirate called Teach, or Black-beard. They were wreched
verses in point of style, mere blind-men's ditties. When printed, he dispatched me
about the town to sell them. The first had a prodigious run, because the event was
recent, and had made a great noise.
My vanity was flattered by this success; but my father checked my exultation, by
ridiculing my productions, and telling me that versifiers were always poor. I thus
escaped the misfortune of being, probably, a very wretched poet▪ but as the faculty
of writing prose has been of great service to me in the course of my life,
and principally contributed to [...] advancement, I shall relate by what mean [...],
situated as I was, I acquired the small skill [...] may possess in that way.
There was in the town another young man, a great lover of books, of the name of John
Collins, with whom I was intimately connected. We frequently engaged in dispute, and
were indeed so fond of argumentation, that nothing, was so agreeable to us as a war
[...] words. This contentious temper, I would observe by the bye, is in danger of
becoming a very bad habit, and frequently renders [...] a man's company
insupportable, as being [...] otherwise capable of indulgence than by indiscriminate
contradiction. Independently [...] the acrimony and discord it introduces in [...]
conversation, it is often productive of dislike and even hatred, between persons to
who [...] friendship is indispensibly necessary. I acquired it by reading, while I
lived with my father, books of religious controversy. I have since remarked, that
men of sense seldom fall into this error; lawyers, fellows of universities, and
persons of every profession educated at Edinburgh, excepted.
Collins and I one day in an argument relative to the education of women; namely
whether it were proper to instruct them in the sciences, and whether they were
compete [...] to the study. Collins supported the negative and affirmed that the task
was beyond their c [...] pacity. I maintained the opposite opinion, [...] [Page
25]little perhaps for the pleasure of disputing. He was naturally more eloquent than
I; words flowed copiously from his lips; and frequently I thought myself vanquished,
more by his volubility than by the force of his arguments. We separated without
coming to an agreement upon this point; and as we were not to see each other again
for some time, I committed my thoughts to paper, made a fair copy, and sent it him.
He answered, and I replied. Three or four letters had been written by each, when my
father chanced to light upon my papers and read them. Without entering into the
merits of the cause, he embraced the opportunity of speaking to me upon my manner of
writing. He observed, that though I had the advantage of my adversary in correct
spelling and pointing, which I owed to my occupation, I was greatly his inferior in
elegance of expression, in arrangement, and perspicuity. Of this he convinced me by
several examples. I felt the justice of his remarks, became more attentive to
language, and resolved to make every effort to improve my style. Amidst these
resolves an odd volume of the Spectator fell into my hands. This was a publication I
had never seen. I bought the volume, and read it again and again. I was enchanted
with it, thought the style excellent, and wished it were in my power to imitate it.
With this view I selected some of the papers, made short summaries of the sense of
each period, and put them for a few days aside. I then, without looking at
the book, endeavoured to restore the essays to their true form, and to express each
thought at length, as it was in the original, employing the most appropriate words
that occurred to my mind. I afterwards compared my Spectator with the original; I
perceived some faults, which I corrected: but I found that I wanted a fund of words,
if I may so express myself, and a facility of recollecting and employing them, which
I thought I should by that time have acquired, had I continued to make verses. The
continual need of words of the same meaning, but of different lengths for the
measure, or of different sounds for the rhyme, would have obliged me to seek for a
variety of synonymes, and have rendered me master of them. From this belief, I took
some of the tales of the Spectator, and turned them into verse; and after a time,
when I had sufficiently forgotten them, I again converted them into prose.
Sometimes also I mingled all my summaries together; and a few weeks after,
endeavoured to arrange them in the best order, before I attempted to form the periods
and complete the essays. This I did with a view of acquiring method in the
arrangement of my thoughts. On comparing afterwards my performance with the
original, many faults were apparent, which I corrected; but I had sometimes the
satisfaction to think, that, in certain particulars of little importance, I had been
fortunate enough to improve the order of thought or the style; and this
encouraged me to hope that I should succeed, in time, in writing the English
language, which was one of the great objects of my ambition.
The time which I devoted to these exercises, and to reading, was the evening after my
day's labour was finished, the morning before it began, and Sundays when I could
escape attending divine service. While I lived with my father, he had insisted on my
punctual attendance on public worship, and I still indeed considered it as a duty,
but a duty which I thought I had no time to practise.
When about sixteen years of age, a work of Tryon fell into my hands, in which he
recommends vegetable diet. I determined to observe it. My brother, being a bachelor,
did not keep house, but boarded with his apprentices in a neighbouring family. My
refusing to eat animal food was found inconvenient, and I was often scolded for my
singularity. I attended to the mode in which Tryon prepared some of his dishes,
particularly how to boil potatoes and rice, and make hasty puddings. I then said to
my brother, that if he would allow me per week half what he paid for my board, I
would undertake to maintain myself. The offer was instantly embraced, and I soon
found that of what he gave me I was able to save half. This was a new fund for the
purchase of books; and other advantages resulted to me from the plan. When my brother
and his workmen left the printing-house to go to dinner, I remained behind;
and dispatched my frugal meal, which frequently consisted of a biscuit only, or a
slice of bread and a bunch of raisins, or a bun from the pastry cook's, with a glass
of water, I had the rest of the time, till their return, for study; and my progress
therein was proportioned to that clearness of ideas, and quickness of conception,
which are the fruit of temperance in eating and drinking.
It was about this period that, having one day been put to the blush for my ignorance
in the art of calculation, which I had twice failed to learn while at school, I took
up Cocker's Treatise of Arithmetic, and went through it by myself with the utmost
ease, I also read a book of Navigation by Seller and Sturmy, and made myself master
of the little geometry it contains, but I never proceeded far in this science.
Nearly at the same time I read Locke on the Human Understanding, and the Art of
Thinking by Messrs. du Port-Royal.
While labouring to form and improve my style, I met with an English Grammar, which I
believe was Greenwood's, having at the end of it two little essays on rhetoric and
logic. In the latter I found a model of disputation after the manner of Socrates.
Shortly after I procured Xenophon's work, entitled, Memorable Things of Socrates, in
which are various examples of the same method. Charmed to a degree of
enthusiasm with this mode of disputing, I adopted it, and renouncing blunt
contradiction, and direct and positive argument, I assumed the character of a humble
questioner. The perusal of Shaftsbury and Collins had made me a sceptic; and being
previously so as to many doctrines of Christianity, I found Socrates's method to be
both the safest for myself, as well as the most embarrassing to those against whom I
employed it. It soon afforded me singular pleasure; I incessantly practised it; and
became very adroit in obtaining, even from persons of superior understanding,
concessione of which they did not foresee the consequences. Thus I involved them in
difficulties from which they were unable to extricate themselves, and sometimes
obtained victories, which neither my cause nor my arguments merited.
This method I continued to employ for some years; but I afterwards abandoned it by
degrees, retaining only the habit of expressing myself with modest diffidence, and
never making use, when I advanced any proposition which might be controverted, of
the words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that might give the appearance of
being obstinately attached to my opinion. I rather said, I imagine, I suppose, or it
appears to me, that such a thing is so or so, for such and such reasons; or it is so,
if I am not mistaken. This habit has, I think, been of considerable
advantage to me, when I have had occasion to impress my opinion on the minds of
others, and persuade them to the adoption of the measures I have suggested. And since
the chief ends of conversation are, to inform or be informed, to please or to
persuade, I could wish that intelligent and well-meaning men would not themselves
diminish the powers they possess of being useful, by a positive and presumptuous
manner of expressing themselves, which scarcely ever fails to disgust the hearer,
and is only calculated to excite opposition, and defeat every purpose for which the
faculty of speech has been bestowed upon man. In short, if you wish to inform, a
positive and dogmatical manner of advancing your opinion may provoke contradiction,
and prevent your being heard with attention. On the other hand, if, with a desire of
being informed, and of benefiting by the knowledge of others, you express yourselves
as being strongly attached to your own opinions, modest and sensible men, who do not
love disputation, will leave you in tranquil possession of your errors. By following
such a method, you can rarely hope to please your auditors, conciliate their
goodwill, or work conviction on those whom you may be desirous of gaining over to
your views. Pope judiciously observes,
Men must be taught as if you taught them not,
And things unknown propos'd as things forgot.
And in the same poem he afterwards advises us,
To speak, tho' sure, with seeming diffidence.
He might have added to these lines, one that he has coupled elsewhere, in my opinion,
with less propriety. It is this: ‘For want of modesty is want of sense.’ If you ask
why I say with less propriety, I must give you the two lines together:
Immodest words admit of no defence,
For want of decency is want of sense.
Now want of sense, when a man has the misfortune to be so circumstanced, is it not a
kind of excuse for want of modesty? And would not the verses have been more
accurate, if they had been constructed thus:
Immodest words admit but this defence.
That want of decency is want of sense.
But I leave the decision of this to better judges than myself.
In 1720, or 1721, my brother began to print a new public paper. It was the second
that made its appearance in America, and was entitled the New-England Courant. The
only one that existed before was the Boston News-Letter▪ Some of his friends, I
remember, would have dissuaded him from this undertaking, as a thing that was not
likely to succeed; a single newspaper being, in their opinion, sufficient for all
America. At present, however, in 1777, there are no less than twenty-five. But he
carried his project into execution, and I was employed in distributing the
copies to his customers, after having assisted in composing and working them off.
Among his friends he had a number of literary characters, who, as an amusement,
wrote short essays for the paper, which gave it reputation and increased its sale.
These gentlemen came frequently to our house. I heard the conversation that passed,
and the accounts they gave of the favourable reception of their writings with the
public. I was tempted to try my hand among them; but, being still a child as it were,
I was fearful that my brother might be unwilling to print in his paper any
performance of which he should know me to be the author. I therefore contrived to
disguise my hand, and having written an anonymous piece, I placed it at night under
the door of the printing-house, where it was found the next morning. My brother
communicated it to his friends, when they came as usual to see him, who read it,
commented upon it within my hearing, and I had the exquite pleasure to find that it
met with their approbation, and that, in the various conjectures they made respecting
the author, no one was mentioned who did not enjoy a high reputation in the country
for talents and genius. I now supposed myself fortunate in my judges, and began to
suspect that they were not much excellent writers as I had hitherto supposed them.
Be that as it may, encouraged by this little adventure, I wrote and sent to
the press, in the same way, many other pieces, which were equally approved; keeping
the secret till my slender stock of information and knowledge for such performances
was pretty completely exhausted, when I made myself known.
My brother, upon this discovery, began to entertain a little more respect for me; but
he still regarded himself as my master, and treated me like an apprentice. He
thought himself entitled to the same services from me as from any other person. On
the contrary, I conceived that, in many instances, he was too rigorous, and that, on
the part of a brother, I had a right to expect greater indulgence. Our disputes were
frequently brought before my father; and either my brother was generally in the
wrong, or I was the better pleader of the two, for judgment was commonly given in my
favour. But my brother was passionate, and often had recourse to blows; a
circumstance which I took in very ill part. This severe and tyrannical treatment
contributed, I believe, to imprint on my mind that aversion to arbitrary power, which
during my whole life I have ever preserved. My apprenticeship became insupportable
to me, and I continually sighed for an opportunity of shortening it, which at length
unexpectedly offered.
An article inserted in our paper upon some political subjects which I have now
forgotten, gave offence to the Assembly. My brother was taken into custody, censured,
and ordered into confinement for a month, because, as I presume, he would
not discover the author. I was also taken up, and examined before the council; but,
though I gave them no satisfaction, they contented themselves with reprimanding,
and then dismissed me; considering me probably as bound, in quality of apprentice,
to keep my master's secrets.
The imprisonment of my brother kindled my resentment, notwithstanding our private
quarrels. During its continuance the management of the paper was entrusted to me,
and I was bold enough to insert some pasquerades against the governors; which highly
pleased my brother, while others began to look upon me in an unfavourable point of
view, considering me as a young wit inclined to satire and lampoon.
My brother's enlargement was accompanied with an arbitary order from the house of
Assembly, ‘That James Franklin should no longer print the newspaper entitled the New
England Courant.’ In this conjuncture, we held a consultation of our friends at the
printing-house, in order to determine what was proper to be done. Some proposed to
evade the order, by changing the title of the paper; but my brother foreseeing
inconveniences that would result from this step, thought it better that it should in
future be printed in the name of Benjamin Franklin; and to avoid the censure of the
Assembly, who might charge him with still printing the paper himself, under [Page
35]the name of his apprentice, it was resolved that my old indentures should be
given up to me, with a full and entire discharge written on the back, in order to be
produced upon an emergency: but that, to secure to my brother the benefit of my
service, I should sign a new contract, which should be kept secret during the
remainder of the term. This was a very shallow arrangement. It was, however, carried
into immediate execution, and the paper continued, in consequence, to make its
appearance for some months in my name. At length a new difference arising between my
brother and me, I ventured to take advantage of my liberty, presuming that he would
not dare to produce the new contract, It was undoubtedly dishonourable to avail
myself of this circumstance, and I reckon this action as one of the first errors of
my life; but I was little capable of estimating it as its true value, embittered as
my mind had been by the recollection of the blows I had received. Exclusively of his
passionate treatment of me, my brother was by no means a man of an ill temper, and
perhaps my manners had too much of impertinence not to afford it a very natural
pretext.
When he knew that it was my determination to quit him, he wished to prevent my
finding employment elsewhere. He went to all the printing-houses in the town, and
prejudiced the masters against me; who accordingly refused to employ me. The idea
then suggested itself to me of going to New-York, the nearest town in which
there was a printing-office. Farther reflections confirmed me in the design of
leaving Boston, where I had already rendered myself an object of suspicion to the
governing party. It was probable, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in
the affair of my brother, that by remaining, I should soon have been exposed to
difficulties, which I had the greater reason to apprehend, as, from my indiscreet
disputes upon the subject of religion, I begun to be regarded, by pious souls, with
horror, either as an apostate or an a [...]heist. I came therefore to a resolution;
but my father, in this instance, siding with my brother, I presumed that if I
attempted to depart openly, measures would be taken to prevent me. My friend Collins
undertook to favour my flight. He agreed for my passage with the captain of a
New-York sloop, to whom he represented me as a young man of his acquaintance, who had
an affair with a girl of bad character, whose parents wished to compel me to marry
her, and that of consequence I could neither make my appearance nor go off publicly.
I sold part of my books to procure a small sum of money, and went privately on board
the sloop. By favour of a good wind, I found myself in three days at New-York, nearly
three hundred miles from my home, at the age only of seventeen years, without knowing
an individual in the place, and with very little money in my pocket.
The inclination I had felt for a seafaring life was entirely subsided, or I
should now have been able to gratify it; but having another trade, and believing
myself to be a tolerable workman, I hesitated not to offer my services to the old Mr.
William Bradford, who had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but had quitted
that province on account of a quarrel with George Keith, the governor. He could not
give me employment himself, having little to do, and already as many persons as he
wanted; but he told me that his son, a printer at Philadelphia, had lately lost his
principal workman, Aquilla Rose, who was dead, and that if I would go thither, he
believed that he would engage me. Philadelphia was a hundred miles farther. I
hesitated not to embark in a boat in order to repair, by the shortest cut of the
sea, to Amboy, leaving my trunk and effects to come after me by the usual and more
tedious conveyance. In crossing the bay we met with a squall, which shattered to
pieces our rotten sails, prevented us from entering the Kill, and threw us upon
Long-Island.
During the squall a drunken Dutchman, who like myself was a passenger in the boat, f
[...]ll into the sea. At the moment that he was sinking, I seized him by the
fore-top, saved him, and drew him on board. This immersion sobered him a little, so
that he fell asleep, after having taken from his pocket a volume, which he requested
me to dry. This volume I found to be my old favourite work, Bunyan's
Voyages, in Dutch, a beautiful impression on fine paper, with copperplate engravings;
a dress in which I had never seen it in its original language. I have since learned
that it had been translated into almost all the languages of Europe, and next to the
Bible, I am persuaded, it is one of the books which has had the greatest spread.
Honest John is the first, that I know of, who has mixed narrative and dialogue
together; a mode of writing very engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting
passages, finds himself admitted as it were into the company, and present at the
conversation. De Foe has imitated it with success in his Robinson Cruso, his Moll
Flanders, and other works; as also has Richardson in his Pamela, &c.
In approaching the island we found that we had made a part of the coast where it was
not possible to land, on account of the strong breakers produced by the rocky shore.
We cast anchor and veered the cable toward the shore. Some men, who stood upon the
brink, hallooed to us, while we did the same on our part; but the wind was so high,
and the waves so noisy, that we could neither of us hear each other. There were some
canoes upon the bank, and we called out to them, and made signs to prevail on them
to come and take us up; but either they did not understand us, or they deemed our
request impracticable, and withdrew. Night came on, and nothing remained for us but
to wait the subsiding of the wind; till when we determined, that this, the
pilot and I, to sleep if possible. For that purpose we went below the hatches along
with the Dutchman, who was drenched with water. The sea broke over the boat, and
reached us in our retreat, so that we were presently as completely [...]reached as
he.
We had very little repose during the whole night: but the wind abating the next day,
we succeeded in reaching Amboy before it was dark, after having passed thirty hours
without provisions, and with no other drink than a bottle of bad rum, the water upon
which we roved being salt. In the evening I went to bed with a very violent fever. I
had somewhere read that cold water, drank plentifully, was a remedy in such cases. I
followed the prescription, was in a profuse sweat for the greater part of the night,
and the fever left me. The next day I crossed the river in a ferry-boat, and
continued my journey on foot. I had fifty miles to walk, in order to reach
Burlington, where I was told I should find passage-boats that would convey me to
Philadelphia. It rained hard the whole day, so that I was wet to the skin. Finding
myself fatigued about noon, I stopped at a paltry inn, where I passed the rest of the
day and the whole night, beginning to regret that I had quitted my home. I made
besides so wretched a figure, that I was suspected to be some run-away servant. This
I discovered by the questions that were asked me; and I felt that I was
every moment in danger of being taken up as such. The next day, however I continued
my journey, and arrived in the evening at an inn, eight or ten miles from Burlington,
that was kept by one Dr. Brown.
This man entered into conversation with me while I took some refreshment, and
perceiving that I had read a little, he expressed towards me considerable interest
and friendship. Our acquaintance continued during the remainder of his life. I
believe him to have been what is called an itinerant doctor; for there was no town in
England, or indeed in Europe, of which he could not give a particular account. He
was neither deficient in understanding nor literature, but he was a sad infidel;
and, some years after, undertook to travesty the Bible in burlesque verse, as Cotton
has travestied Virgil. He exhibited, by this means, many facts in a very ludicrous
point of view, which would have given umbrage to weak minds, had his work been
published, which it never was.
I spent the night at his house, and reached Burlington the next morning. On my
arrival, I had the mortification to learn that the ordinary passage-boats had sailed
a little before. This was on a Saturday, and there would be no other boat till the
Tuesday following. I returned to the house of an old woman in the town who had sold
me some gingerbread to eat one of my passage, and I [...] her advice. She
invited me to take up my abode with her till an opportunity offered for me to embark.
Fatigued with having travelled so far on foot, I accepted her invitation. When she
understood that I was a printer, she would have persuaded me to stay at Burlington,
and set up my trade: but she was little aware of the capital that would be necessary
for such a purpose! I was treated while at her house with true hospitality. She gave
me, with the utmost goodwill, a dinner of beef-steaks, and would accept of nothing
in return but a pint of ale.
Here I imagined myself to be fixed till the Tuesday in the ensuing week; but walking
out in the evening by the river side, I saw a boat with a number of persons in it
approach. It was going to Philadelphia, and the company took me in. As there was no
wind, we could only make way with our oars. About midnight, not perceiving the town,
some of the company were of opinion that we must have passed it, and were unwilling
to row any farther; the rest not knowing where we were it was resolved that we should
stop. We drew towards the shore, entered a creek, and landed near some old
palisades, which served us for fire-wood, it being a cold night in October. Here we
stayed till day, when one of the company found the place in which we were to be
Cooper's Creek, a little above Philadelphia; which in reality we perceived the
moment we were out of the creek. We arrived on Sunday abought eight or nine o'clock
in the morning, and landed on Market-street wharf.
I have entered into the particulars of my voyage, and shall in like manner describe
my first entrance into this city, that you may be able to compare beginnings so
little auspicious, with the figure I have since made.
On my arrival at Philadelphia I was in my working dress, my best clothes being to
come by sea. I was covered with dirt; my pockets were filled with shirts and
stockings; I was unacquainted with a single soul in the place, and knew not where to
seek for a lodging. Fatigued with walking, rowing, and having passed the night
without sleep, I was extremely hungry, and all my money consisted of a Dutch dollar,
and about a shilling's worth of coppers, which I gave to the boatmen for my passage.
As I had assisted them in rowing, they refused it at first; but I insisted on their
taking it. A man is sometimes more generous when he has little, than when he has much
money; probably because, in the first case, he is desirous of concealing his
poverty.
I walked towards the top of the street, looking eagerly on both sides, till I came
to Market-street, where I met a child with a loaf of bread. Often had I made my
dinner on dry bread. I enquired where he had bought it, and went straight to the
baker's shop which he pointed out to me. I asked for some biscuits, expecting to
find such as we had at Boston; but they made, it seems, none of that sort
at Philadelphia. I then asked for a three-penny loaf. They made no loaves of that
price. Finding myself ignorant of the prices, as well as of the different kinds of
bread, I desired him to let me have three penny-worth of bread of some kind or other.
He gave me three large rolls. I was surprized at receiving so much: I took them,
however, and having no room in my pockets, I walked on with a roll under each arm,
eating the third. In this manner I went through Market-street to Fourth street, and
passed the house of Mr. Read, the father of my future wife. She was standing at the
door, observed me, and thought, with reason, that I made a very singular and
grotesque appearance.
I then turned the corner, and went through Chesnut-street, eating my roll all the
way; and having made this round, I found myself again on Market-street wharf, near
the boat in which I had arrived. I stepped into it to take a draught of river-water;
and finding myself satisfied with my first roll, I gave the other two to a woman and
her child, who had come down the river with us in the boat, and was waiting to
continue her journey. Thus refreshed, I regained the street, which was now full of
well-dressed people, all going the same way. I joined them, and was thus led to a
large Quakers' meeting-house near the market-place. I sat down with the rest, and
after looking round me for some time, hearing nothing said, and being
drowsy from my last night's labour and want of rest, I fell into a sound sleep. In
this state I continued till the assembly dispersed, when one of the congregation had
the goodness to wake me. This was consequently the first house I entered, or in which
I slept at Philadelphia.
I began again to walk along the streets by the river side; and looking attentively in
the face of every one I met, I at length perceived a young quaker, whose countenance
pleased me. I accosted him, and begged, him to inform me where a stranger might find
a lodging. We were then near the sign of the Three Mariners. They receive travellers
here, said he, but it is not a house that bears a good character; if you will go
with me, I will shew you a better one. He conducted me to the Crooked Billet, in
Water-street. There I ordered something for dinner, and during my meal, a number of
curious questions were put to me; my youth and appearance exciting the suspicion of
my being a run-away. After dinner my drowsiness returned, and I threw myself upon a
bed without taking off my clothes, and slept till six o'clock in the evening, when I
was called to supper. I afterwards went to bed at a very early hour, and did not
awake till the next morning.
As soon as I got up I put myself in as decent a trim as I could, and went to the
house of Andrew Bradford the printer. I found his father in the shop, whom I had seen
at New-York. Having travelled on horseback, he had arrived at Philadelphia
before me. He introduced me to his son, who received me with civility, and gave me
some breakfast; but told me he had no occasion for a journeyman, having lately
procured one. He added, that there was another printer newly settled in the town, of
the name of Keimer, who might perhaps employ me; and in case of a refusal, I should
be welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give me a little work now and then,
till something better should offer.
The old man offered to introduce me to the new printer. When we were at his house:
"Neighbour," said he, ‘I bring you a young man in the printing business; perhaps you
may have need of his services.’
Keimer asked me some questions, put a composing stick in my hand to see how I could
work, and then said, that at present he had nothing for me to do, but that he should
soon be able to employ me. At the same time taking old Bradford for an inhabitant of
the town well-disposed towards him, he communicated his project to him, and the
pospect he had of success. Bradford was careful not to discover that he was the
father of the other printer; and from what Keimer had said, that he hoped shortly to
be in possession of the greater part of the business of the town, led him by artful
questions, and by starting some difficulties, to disclose all his views, what his
hopes were founded upon, and how he intended to proceed. I was present, and
heard it all. I instantly saw that one of the two was a cunning old fox, and the
other a perfect novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was strangely surprised
when I informed him who the old man was.
I found Keimer's printing materials to consist of an old damaged press, and a small
cast of worn-out English letters, with which he was himself at work upon an elegy on
Aquila Rose, whom I have mentioned above, an ingenious young man, and of an
excellent character, highly esteemed in the town, secretary to the Assembly, and a
very tolerable poet Keimer also made verses, but they were indifferent ones. He
could not be said to write in verse, for his method was to take and set the lines as
they flowed from his muse; and as he worked without copy, had but one set of
letter-cases, and the elegy would probably occupy all his type, it was impossible
for any one to assist him. I endeavoured to put his press in order, which he had not
yet used, and [...] which indeed he understood nothing: and having promised to come
and work off his elegy as soon as it should be ready, I returned to the house of
Bradford, who gave me [...]ome trifle to do for the present, for which I had my board
and lodging.
In a few days Keimer sent for me to print off his elegy. He had now procured another
set of letter-cases, and had a pamphlet to reprint, upon which he set me to
work.
The two Philadelphia printers appeared destitute of every qualification
necessary in their profession. Bradford had not been brought up to it, and was very
illiterate. Keimer, though he understood at little of the business, was merely a
compositor, and wholly incapable of working at the press. He had one of the French
prophets, and knew how to imitate their supernatural agitations. At the time of our
first acquaintance he professed no particular religion, but a little of all upon
occasion. He was totally ignorant of the world, and a great knave at heart, as I had
afterwards an opportunity of experiencing.
Keimer could not endure that, working with him, I should lodge at Bradford's. He had
indeed a house, but it was unfurnished; so that he could not take me in. He procured
me a lodging at Mr. Read's, his landlord, whom I have already mentioned. My trunk and
effects being now arrived, I thought of making, in the eyes of Miss Read, a more
respectable appearance than when chance exhibited me to her view, eating my roll,
and wandering in the streets.
From this period I began to contract acquaintance with such young people of the town
as were fond of reading, and spent my evenings with them agreeably, while at the
same time I gained money by my industry, and thanks to my frugality, lived contented.
I thus forgot Boston as much as possible, and wished every one to be ignorant of the
place of my residence, except my friend Collins, to whom I wrote, and who
kept my secret.
An incident, however arrived, which sent me home much sooner than I had proposed. I
had a brother-in-law, of the name of Robert Holmes, master of a trading sloop from
Boston to Delaware. Being at Newcastle, forty miles below Philadelphia, he heard of
me, and wrote to inform me of the chagrin which my sudden departure from Boston had
occasioned my parents, and of the affection which they still entertained for me,
assuring me that, if I would return, every thing should be adjusted to my
satisfaction; and he was very pressing in his entreaties. I answered his letter,
thanked him for his advice, and explained the reasons which had induced me to quit
Boston, with such force and clearness, that he was convinced I had been less to blame
than he had imagined.
Sir William Keith, governor of the province was at Newcastle at the time. Captain
Holmes, being by chance in his company when he received my letter, took occasion to
speak of me, and shewed it him. The governor read it, and appeared surprised when he
learned my age. He thought me, he said, a young man of very promising talents, and
that, of consequence, I ought to be encouraged; that there were at Philadelphia none
but very ignorant printers, and that if I were to set up for myself, he had no doubt
of my success; that, for his own part, he would procure me all the public
business, and would render me every other service in his power. My brother-in-law
related all this to me afterwards at Boston; but I knew nothing of it at the time;
when one day Keimer and I being at work together near the window, we saw the
governor and another gentleman, colonel French of Newcastle, handsomely dressed,
cross the street, and make directly for our house. We heard them at the door, and
Keimer, believing it to be a visit to himself, went immediately down: but the
governor enquired for me, came up stairs, and, with a condescension and politeness to
which I had not at all been accustomed, paid me many compliments, desired to be
acquainted with me, obligingly reproached me for not having made myself known to him
on my arrival in the town and wished me to accompany him to a tavern, where he and
colonel French were going to tast some excellent Madeira wine.
I was, I confess, somewhat surprised, and Keimer appeared thunderstruck. I went
however with the governor and the colonel to a tavern at the corner of Third-street,
where, while we were drinking the Madeira, he proposed to me to establish a
printing-house. He set forth the probabilities of success, and himself and colonel
French assured me that I should have their protection and influence in obtaining the
printing of the public papers of both governments; and as I appeared to doubt whether
my father would assist me in this enterprise Sir William said that he would
give me a letter to him, in which he would represent the advantages of the scheme,
in a light which he had no doubt would determine him. It was thus concluded that I
should return to Boston by the first vessel, with the letter of recommendation from
the governor to my father. Meanwhile the project was to be kept secret, and I
continued to work for Keimer as before.
The governor sent every now and then to invite me to dine with him. I cosiderd this
as a very great honour; and I was the more sensible of it, as he conversed with me in
the most affable, familar, and friendly manner imaginable.
Towards the end of April 1724, a small vessel was ready to sail for Boston- [...] too
[...] leave of Keimer, upon the pretext of going to see my parents. The governor gave
me a long letter, in which he said many flattering things of me to my father; and
strongly recommended the project of my settling at Philadelphia, as a thing which
could not fail to make my fortune.
Going down the bay we struck on a flat, and sprung a leak. The weather was very
tempestuous, and we were obliged to pump without intermission; I took my turn. We
arrived however safe and sound at Boston, after about a fortnight's passage.
I had been absent seven complete months and my relations, during that interval, ha
[...] received no intelligence of me; for my brother-in-law, Holmes, was
not yet returned, and had not written about me. My unexpected appearance surprised
the family; but they were all delighted at seeing me again, and, except my brother,
welcomed me home. I went to him at the printing-office. I was better dressed than I
had ever been while in his service; I had a complete suit of clothes, new and neat, a
watch in my pocket, and my purse was furnished with nearly five pounds sterling in
money. He gave me no very civil reception; and having eyed me from head to foot,
resumed his work.
The workmen asked me with eagerness where I had been, what sort of a country it was,
and how I liked it. I spoke in the highest terms of Philadelphia, the happy life we
led there, and expressed my intention of going back again. One of them asked what
sort of money we had, I displayed before them a handful of silver, which I drew from
my pocket. This was a curiosity to which they were not accustomed, paper being the
current money at Boston. I failed not after this to let them see my watch; and at
last, my brother continuing sullen and out of humour, I gave them a shilling to
drink, and took my leave. This visit stung my brother to the soul; for when, shortly
after, my mother spoke to him of a reconciliation, and a desire of seeing us upon
good terms, he told her that I had so insulted him before his men, that he
would never forget or forgive it: in this, however, he was mistaken.
The governor's letter appeared to excite in my father some surprise; but he said
little. After some days, Capt. Holmes being returned, he shewed it him, asking him if
he knew Keith, and what sort of a man he was: adding, that, in his opinion, it proved
very little discernment to think of setting up a boy in business, who for three
years to come would not be of an age to be ranked in the class of men. Holmes said
every thing he could in favour of the scheme; but my father firmly maintained its
absurdity, and at last gave a positive refusal. He wrote, however, a civil letter to
Sir William, thanking him for the protection he had so obligingly offered me, but
refusing to assist me for the present, because he thought me too young to be
entrusted with the conduct of so important an enterprise, and which would require so
considerable a sum of money.
My old comrade Collins, who was a clerk in the post-office, charmed with the account
I gave of my new residence, expressed a desire of going thither; and while I waited
my father's determination, he set off before me, by land, for Rhode-Island, leaving
his books, which formed a handsome collection in mathematics and natural philosophy,
to be conveyed with mine to New-York, where he purposed to wait for me.
My father, though he could not approve Sir William's proposal, was yet pleased that I
had obtained so advantageous a recommendation as that a person of his rank,
and that my industry and economy had enabled me to equip myself so handsomely in so
short a period▪ Seeing no appearance of accommodating matters between my brother
and me, he consented to my return to Philadelphia, advised me to be civil to every
body, to endeavour to obtain general esteem, and avoid satire and sarcasm, to which
he thought I was too much inclined; adding, that, with perseverance and prudent
economy, I might, by the time I became of age, save enough to establish myself in
business; and that if a small sum should then be wanting, he would undertake to
supply it.
This was all I could obtain from him, except some trifling presents, in token of
friendship from him and my mother. I embarked once more for New-York, furnished at
this time with their approbation and blessing. The sloop having touched at Newport in
Rhode-Island, I paid a visit to my brother John, who had for some years been settled
there, and was married. He had always been attached to me, and received me with
great affection. One of his friends, whose name was Vernon, having a debt of about
thirty-six pounds due to him in Pennsylvania, begged me to receive it for him, and
keep the money till I should hear from him: accordingly he gave me an order for that
purpose. This affair occasioned me, in the sequel, much uneasiness.
At Newport we took on board a number of passengers; among whom were two young women,
and a grave and sensible quaker lady with her servants. I had shown an obliging
forwardness in rendering the quaker some trifling services, which led her, probably,
to feel some interest in my welfare; for when she saw a familiarity take place, and
every day increase, between the two young women and me, she took me aside and said,
"Young man, I am in pain for thee. Thou hast no parent to watch over thy conduct, and
thou seemest to be ignorant of the world, and the snares to which youth is exposed.
Rely upon what I tell thee: those are women of bad characters; I perceive it in all
their actions. If thou dost not take care, they will lead thee into danger. They are
strangers to thee, and I advise thee, by the friendly interest I take in thy
preservation, to form no connection with them." As I appeared at first not to think
quite so ill of them as she did, she related many things she had seen and heard,
which had escaped my attention, but which convinced me she was in the right. I
thanked her for her obliging advice, and promised to follow it.
When we arrived at New-York, they informed me where they lodged, and invited me to
come and see them. I did not however go, and it was well I did not; for the next
day, the captain, missing a silver spoon and some other things which had
been taken from the cabin, and knowing these women to be prostitutes, procured a
search warrant, found the stolen goods upon them, and had them punished. And thus,
after having been saved from one rock concealed under water, upon which the vessel
struck during our passage, I escaped another of a still more dangerous nature.
At New-York I found my friend Collins, who had arrived some time before. We had been
intimate from our infancy, and had read the same books together; but he had the
advantage of being able to devote more time to reading and study, and an astonishing
disposition for mathematics, in which he left me far behind. When at Boston, I had
been accustomed to pass with him almost all my leisure hours. He was then a sober
and industrious lad; his knowledge had gained him a very general esteem, and he
seemed to promise to make an advantageous figure in society. But, during my absence,
he had unfortunately addicted himself to brandy, and I learned, as well from himself
as from the report of others, that every day since his arrival at New-York he had
been intoxicated, and had acted in a very extravagant manner. He had also played, and
lost all his money; so that I was obliged to pay all his expences at the inn, and to
maintain him during the rest of the journey; a burden that was very inconvenient to
me.
The governor of New-York, whose name was Burrent, hearing the captain say
that a young man who was a passenger in his ship had a great number of books, begged
him to bring me to his house. I accordingly went, and should have taken Collins with
me, had he been sober. The governor treated me with great civility, shewed me his
library, which was a very considerable one, and we talked for some time upon books
and authors. This was the second governor who had honoured me with his attention; and
to a poor boy, a [...] I then was, these little adventures did not fail to be
pleasing.
We arrived at Philadelphia. On the way I received Vernon's money, without which we
should have been unable to have finished our journey.
Collins wished to get employment as a merchant's clerk; but either his breath or his
countenance betrayed his bad habit; for, though he had recommendations, he met with
no success, and continued to lodge and eat with me, and at my expence. Knowing that I
had Vernon's money, he was continually asking me to lend him some of it; promising to
repay me at he should get employment. At last he had drawn so much of this money,
that I was extremely alarmed at what might become of me, should he [...]a [...]l to
make good the deficiency. His habit of drinking did not all diminish, and was a
frequent source of discord between us for when he had drank a little too much, h
[...] was very headstrong.
Being one day in a boat together, on the Delaware, with some other young
persons, he refused to take his turn in rowing. You shall row for me, said he, till
we get home.— No, I replied, we will not row for you.— You shall, said he, or remain
upon the water all night.—As you please.—Let us row, said the rest of the company:
what signifies whether he assists or not. But, already angry with him for his
conduct in other respects, I persisted in my refusal. He then swore that he would
make me row, or would throw me out of the boat; and he made up to me. As soon as he
was within my reach I took him by the collar, gave him a violent thrust, and threw
him head-foremost into the river. I knew that he was a good swimmer, and was
therefore under no apprehensions for his life.
Before he could turn himself, we were able, by a few strokes of our oars, to place
ourselves out of his reach; and whenever he touched the boat, we asked him if he
would row, striking his hands with the oars to make him let go his hold. He was
nearly suffocated with rage, but obstinately refused making any promise to row.
Perceiving at length that his strenght began to be exhausted, we took him into the
boat, and conveyed him home in the evening, completely drenched. The utmost coldness
subsisted between us after this adventure. At last the captain of a West-India ship,
who was commissioned to procure a tutor for the children of a gentleman at
Barbadoes, meeting with Collins, offered him the place. He accepted it and
took his leave of me, promising to discharge the debt he owed me with the first money
he should receive; but I have heard nothing of him since.
The violation of the trust reposed in me by Vernon, was one of the first great errors
of my life; and it proves that my father was not mistaken when he supposed me too
young to be intrusted with the management of important affairs. But Sir William,
upon reading his letter, thought him too prudent. There was a difference, he said,
between individuals years of maturity were not always accompanied with discretion,
neither was youth in every instance devoid of it. Since your father added he, will
not set you up in business, [...] will do it myself. Make out a list of what will be
wanted from England, and I will send for the articles. You shall repay me whe [...]
you can. I am determined to have a good printer here, and I am sure you will succeed.
This was said with so much seeming cordiality, that I suspected not for an instant
the sincerity of the offer. I had hitherto kept the project, with which Sir William
had inspired me, of settling in business, a secret at Philadelphia, and I still
continued to do so. H [...] my reliance on the governor been known some friends,
better acquainted with his character than myself, would doubtless have advi [...]
ed me not to trust him; for I afterwards lear [...] ed that he was universally
known to be liber [...] of promises, which he had no intention to perform. [Page
59]But having never solicited him, how could I suppose his offers to be deceitful? On
the contrary, I believed him to be the best man in the world.
I gave him an inventory of a small printing-office; the expence of which I had
calculated at about a hundred pounds sterling. He expressed his approbation; but
asked if my presence in England, that I might choose the characters myself, and see
that every article was good in its kind, would not be an advantage. You will also be
able, said he, to form some acquaintance there, and establish a correspondence with
stationers and booksellers. This I acknowledged was desirable. That being the case,
added he, hold yourself in readiness to go with the Annis. This was the annual
vessel, and the only one, at that time, which made regular voyages between the ports
of London and Philadelphia. But the Annis was not to sale for some months. I thefore
continued to work with Keimer, unhappy respecting the sum which Collins had drawn
from me, and almost in continual agony at the thoughts of Vernon, who fortunately
made no demand of his money till several years after.
In the account of my first voyage from Boston to Philadelphia, I omitted I believe a
trifling circumstance, which will not perhaps be out of place here. During a calm
which stopped us above Block-Island, the crew employed themselves in fishing for cod,
of which they caught a great number. I had hitherto adhered to my
resolution of not eating any thing that had possessed life; and I considered on this
occasion, agreeably to the maxims of m [...] master Tryon, the capture of every fish
as a sort of murder, committed without provocation, since these animals had neither
done, nor were capable of doing, the smallest injury to any one that should justify
the measure. This mode of reasoning I conceived to be unanswerable. Meanwhile I had
formerly been extremely fond of fish; and when one of these cod was taken out of the
frying-pan, I thought its flavour delicious. I hesitated some time between principle
and inclination, till at last recollecting, that when the cod had been opened, some
small fish had been found in his belly, I said to mysef, If you eat one another I see
no reason why we may not eat you. I accordingly dined on the cod with no small degree
of pleasure, and have since continued to eat like the rest of mankind, returning only
occasionally to my vegetable plan. Ho [...] convenient does it prove to be a rational
animal, that knows how to find or invent a plausible pretext for whatever it has an
inclination to do!
I continued to live upon good terms with Keimer, who had not the smallest suspicion
of my projected establishment. He still retained a portion of his former enthusiasm;
and being fond of argument, we frequently disputed together. I was so much in the
habit of using my Socratic method, and had so frequently puzzled him by my
questions, which appeared at first very distant from the point in debate, yet
nevertheless led to it by degrees, involving him in difficulties and contradictions
from which he was unable to extricate himself, that he became at last ridiculously
cautious, and would scarcely answer the most plain and familiar question without
previously asking me—What would you infer from that? Hence, he formed so high an
opinion of my talents for refutation, that he seriously proposed to me to become his
colleague in the establishment of a new religious sect. He was to propagate the
doctrine by preaching, and I to refute every opponent.
When he me explained to his tenets, I sound many absurdities which I refused to
admit, unless he would agree in turn to adopt some of my opinions. Keimer wore his
beard long, because Moses had somewhere said, Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy
beard. He likewise observed the Sabbath; and these were with him two very essential
points. I disliked them both; but I consented to adopt them, provided he would
abstain from animal food. I doubt, said he, whether my constitution will be able to
support it. I assured him on the contrary, that he would find himself the better for
it. He was naturally a glutton, and I wished to amuse myself by starving him. He
consented to make trial of this regimen, if I would bear him company; and in rea
[...]y we continued it for three months. A woman in the neighbourhood
prepared and brought us our victuals, to whom I gave a list of forty dishes, in the
composition of which there entered neither flesh nor fish. This fancy was [...]e
more agreeable to me, as it turned to good account, for the whole expence of our
living did not exceed for each eighteen-pence a week.
I have since that period observed several Lents with the greatest strictness, and had
suddenly returned again to my ordinary diet, without experiencing the smallest
inconvenience; which has led me to regard as of no importance the advice commonly
given, of introducing gradually such alterations of regimen.
I continued it cheerfully; but poor Keimer suffered terribly. Tired of the project,
he sighed for the flesh pots of Egypt. At length he ordered a roast pig, and invited
me and two of our female acquaintance to dine with him; but the pig being ready a
little too soon, he could not resist the temptation, and eat it all up before we
arrived.
During the circumstances I have related, I had paid some attentions to Miss Read. I
entertained for her the utmost esteem and affection; and I had reason to believe that
these sentiments were mutual. But we were both young, scarcely more than eighteen
years of age; and as I was on the point of undertaking a long voyage, her mother
thought it prudent to prevent matters being carried to [...] far for the
present, judging that if marriage was our object, there would be more propriety in
it after my return, when, as at least I expected, I should be established in my
business. Perhaps also [...] thought that my expectations were not so well-founded
as I imagined.
My most intimate aquaintance at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and
James Ralph; young men who were all fond of reading. The two first were clerks to Mr.
Charles Brockdon, one of the principal attornies in the town, and the other clerk to
a merchant. Watson was an upright, pious and sensible young man: the others were
somewhat more loose in their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, whose
faith, as well as that of Collins, I had contributed to shake; each of whom made me
suffer a very adequate punishment. Osborne was sensible, and sincere and affectionate
in his friendships, but too much inclined to the critic in [...]tters of literature.
Ralph was ingenious and shrewd, genteel in his address, and extremely eloquent. I do
not remember to have met will a more agreeable speaker. They were both enamoured of
the muses, and had already evinced their passion by some small poetical
productions.
It was a custom with us to take a charming w [...]k on Sundays, in the woods that
bordered on the Schuylkill. Here we read together, and afterwards conversed on what
we read. Ralph was disposed to give himself up entir [...] to poetry. He
flattered himself that he should arrive at great eminence in the art, and even
acquire a fortune. The sublimest poets, he pretended, when they first began to write,
committed as many faults as himself. Osborne endeavoured to dissuade him from it, by
a [...] suring him that he had no genius for poetry and advised him to stick to the
trade in which he had been brought up. In the road of commerce, said he, you will be
sure, by diligen [...] and assiduity, though you have no capital, [...] so far
succeeding as to be employed as a fa [...] tor, and may thus, in time, acquire the
means of setting up for yourself. I conc [...] red in these sentiments, but at the
same ti [...] expressed my approbation of amusing oursel [...] sometimes with poetry,
with a view to impro [...] our style. In consequence of this it was proposed, that,
at our next meeting, each of [...] should bring a copy of verses of his own
composition. Our object in this competition [...] to benefit each other by our
mutual remarks, criticisms and corrections; and as style [...] expression were all we
had in view, we excluded every idea of invention, by agreeing that our task should
be a version of the eigh [...] teenth psalm, in which is described the desce [...] of
the Deity.
The time of our meeting drew near, when Ralph called upon me, and told me his pie
[...] was ready. I informed him that I had be [...] idle, and, not much liking the
task, had do [...] nothing. He shewed me his piece, and asked what I thought
of it. I expressed myself in terms of warm approbation; because it really appeared to
have considerable merit. He then said: Osborne will never acknowledge the smallest
degree of excellence in any production of mine. Envy alone dictates to him a
thousand animadversions. Of you he is not so jealous: I wish therefore, you would
take the verses, and produce them as your own. I will pretend not to have had leisure
to write any thing. We shall then see in what manner he will speak of them. I agreed
to this little artifice, and immediately transcribed the verses [...] prevent all
suspicion.
We met. Watson's performance was the [...] that was read. It had some beauties, but
many faults. We next read Osborne's, which was much better. Ralph did it justice,
remarking a few imperfections, and applauding such parts as were excellent. He had
himself nothing to show. It was now my turn. I made s [...]me difficulty; seemed as
if I wished to be excused; pretended that I had had no time to make corrections,
&c. No excuse, however, was admissible, and the piece must be produced. It was
read and re-read. Watson and Osborne immediately resigned the palm, and united in
applauding it. Ralph alone made a few remarks, and proposed some alterations; but I
defended my text. Osborne agreed with me, and told Ralph he was no more able to
criticise than he was able to write.
When Osborne was alone with me, he expressed himself still more strongly
in favour of what he considered as my performance. He pretended that he had put some
restrain [...] on himself before, apprehensive of my construing his commendation
into flattery. But who would have supposed, said he, Franklin to be capable of such a
composition? What painting, what energy, what fire! He has surpassed the original. In
his common conversation he appears not to have choice of words; he hesitates, and is
at a loss; and yet, good God, how he writes!
At our next meeting Ralph discovered the trick we had played Osborne, who was ra
[...] lied without mercy.
By this adventure Ralph was fixed in his resolution of becoming a poet. I left
nothing unattempted to divert him from his purpose; but he persevered, till at last
the reading of Pope* effected his cure: he became, however, a very tolerable pro
[...]e writer. I shall speak more of him hereafter; but as I shall probably have no
farther occasion to mention the other two, I ought to observe here, that Watson died
a few years after in my arms. He was greatly regretted; for he was the best of our
society. Osborne went to the islands, where he gained considerable reputation as a
barrister, and was getting money; but he died young. We had seriously
engaged, that whoever died first should return, if possible, and pay a friendly visit
to the survivor, to him an account of other world; but he has never fulfilled his
engagement.
The governor appeared to be fond of my company, and frequently invited me to his
house. He always spoke of his intention of settling me in business, as a point that
was decided. I was to take with me letters of recommendation to a number of
friends; and particularly a letter of credit, in order to obtain the necessary sum
for the purchase of my press, types and paper. He appointed various times for me to
come for these letters, which would certainly be ready; and when I came, always put
me off to another day.
These successive delays continued till the vessel, whose departure had been several
times deferred, was on the point of setting sail; when I again went to Sir William's
house to receive my letters and take leave of him. [...] saw his secretary, Dr. Bard,
who told me that the governor was extremely busy writing, but that he would be down
at Newcastle before the vessel, and that the letters would be delivered to me
there.
Ralph, though he was married and had a child, determined to accompany me in this
voyage. His object was supposed to be the establishing a correspondence with some
mercantile houses, in order to sell goods by commission; but I afterwards
learned, that having reason to be dissatisfied with the parents of his wife, he
proposed to himself to leave her on their hands, and never return to America
again.
Having taken leave of my friends, and interchanged promises of fidelity with Mi
[...] Read, I quitted Philadelphia. At Newcastle the vessel came to anchor. The
governor was arrived, and I went to his logdings. His secretary received me with
great civilty, told me on the part of the govorner that he could not [...]or me then,
as he was engaged in affairs of the utmost importance, but that he would send the
letters on board, and that he wished me, with all his heart, a good voyage and speedy
return I returned somewhat astonished, but still with out entertaining the slightest
suspicion.
Mr. Hamilton, a celebrated barrister of Philadelphia, had taken a passage to England
for himself and his son, and, in conjunction with Mr. Denham a quaker, and Messrs.
Oniam and Russel, proprietors of a forge in Maryland, had agreed for the whole
cabin, so that Ralph and I were obliged to take up our lodging with the crew. Being
unknown to every body in the ship, we were looked upon as the common order of
people: but Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, who was afterwards governor) left
us at Newcastle, and returned to Philadelphia, where he wa [...] recalled, at a very
great expence, to plead the cause of a vessel that had been seized; and just
as we were about to sail, colonel Finch came on board, and shewed me many
civilities. The passengers upon this paid me more attention, and I was invited,
together with my friend Ralph, to occupy the place in the cabin, which the return of
the Mr. Hamiltons had made vacant; an offer which we very readily accepted.
Having learned that the dispatches of the governor had been brought on board by
colonel Finch, I asked the captain for the letters that were to be intrusted to my
care. He told me that they were all put together in the bag, which he could not open
at present; but before [...]e reached England, he would give me an opportunity of
taking them out. I was satisfied with this answer, and we pursued our voyage.
The company in the cabin were all very sociable, and we were perfectly well off as
to provisions, as we took the advantage of the whole of Mr. Hamilton's who had laid
in a very plentiful stock. During the passage Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for
me, which ended only with his life: in other respects the voyage was by no means an
agreeable one, as we had much bad weather.
When we arrived in the river, the captain was as good as his word, and allowed me to
search the bag for the governor's letters. I could not find a single one with my name
written on it, as committed to my care; but I selected six or seven, which I judged
from the direction to be those that were intended for me; particularly one
to Mr. Basket the king's printer, and another to a stationer, who was the first
person I called upon. I delivered him the letter as coming from governor Keith. ‘I
have no acquaintance (said he) with any such person;’ and opening the letter, ‘Oh, it
is from Riddlesden! he exclaimed. I have lately discovered him to be a very arrant
knave, and I wish to have nothing to do either with him or his letters.’ He instantly
put the letter in my hand, turned upon his heel, and left me to serve some
customers.
I was astonished at finding these letters were not from the governor. Reflecting, and
[...] ting circumstances together, I then began to doubt his sincerity. I rejoined
my friend Denham, and related the whole affair to him. He let me at once into Keith's
character, told me there was not the least probability of his having written a single
letter; that no one who knew him ever placed any reliance on him, and laughed at my
credulity in supposing that the governor would give me a letter of credit, when he
had no credit for himself. As I shewed some uneasiness respecting what step I should
take, he advised me to try to get employment in the house of some printer. You may
there, said he, improve yourself in business, and you will be able to settle yourself
the more advantageously when you return to America.
We knew already, as well as the stationer, attorney Riddlesden to be a
knave. He had nearly ruined the father of Miss Read, by drawing him in to be his
security. We learned from his letter, that he was secretly carrying on an entrigue,
in concert with the governor, to the prejudice of Mr. Hamilton, who it was supposed
would by this time be in Europe. Denham, who was Hamilton's friend, was of opinion
that he ought to be made acquainted with it: and in reality, the instant he arrived
in England, which was very soon after, I waited on him, and, as much from good-will
to him as from resentment against the governor, put the letter into his hands. He
thanked me very sincerely, the information it contained being of consequence to him;
and from that moment bestowed on me his friendship, which afterwards proved on many
occasions serviceable to me.
But what are we to think of a governor who could play so scurvy a trick, and thus
grossly deceive a poor young lad, wholly destitute of experience? It was a practice
with him. Wishing to please every body, and having little to bestow, he was lavish of
promises. He was in other respects sensible and judicious, a very tolerable writer,
and a good governor for the people; though not so for the proprietaries, whose
instructions he frequently disregarded. Many of our best laws were his work, and
established during his administration.
Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took a lodging together at
three and s [...] pence a week, which was as much as [...] could afford. He met with
some relations [...] London, but they were poor, and not able [...] assist him. He
now, for the first time, informed me of his intention to remain in England, and
that he had no thoughts of ev [...] returning to Philadelphia. He was total [...]
without money; the little he had been [...] to raise having barely sufficed for his
passage I had still fifteen pistoles remaining; and [...] me he had from time to time
recourse, which he tried to get employment.
At first, believing himself possessed of [...] lents for the stage, he thought of
turning actor; but Wilkes, to whom he appli [...] frankly advised him to renounce the
idea, [...] it was impossible to succeed. He next proposed to Roberts, a bookseller
in Pate [...]noster-Row, to write a weekly paper in the manner of the Spectator, upon
terms [...] which Roberts would not listen. Lastly, [...] endeavoured to procure
employment as [...] copyist, and applied to the lawyers and sta [...]oners about the
Temple; but he could find no vacancy.
As to myself, I immediately got engaged at Palmer's, at that time a noted printer i
[...] Ba [...]holomew Close, with whom I continued nearly a year. I applied very
assiduously [...] my work; but I expended with Ralph almost all that I earned, Plays
and other places amusement which we frequented together, saving exhausted my
pistoles, we lived after this from hand to mouth. He appeared to have entirely
forgotten his wife and child, as I also, by degrees, forgot my engagements with Miss
Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter, and that merely to inform her that
I was not likely to return soon. This was another grand error of my life, which I
should be desirous of correcting, were I to begin my career again.
I was employed at Palmer's on the second adition of Woolaston's Religion of Nature.
Some of his arguments appearing to me not to be well founded, I wrote a small
metaphysical treatise, in which I animadverted on those passages. It was entitled a
Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain. I dedicated it to my friend
Ralph, and printed a small number of copies. Palmer upon this treated me with more
consideration and regarded me as a young man of talents; tho' [...]e seriously took
me to task for the principles of my pamphlet, which he looked upon as [...]ominable.
The printing of this work was another error of my life.
While I lodged in Little Britain I formed acquaintance with a bookseller of the name
of Wilcox, whose shop was next door to me. Circulating libraries were not then in
use. He had an immense collection of books of all sorts. We agreed that, for a
reasonable retribution, of which I have now forgotten the price, I should
have free access to his library, and take what books I pleased, which I was to return
when I had read them. I considered this agreement as a very great advantage; and I
derived from it as much benefit as was in my power.
My pamphlet falling into the hands of a surgeon, of the name of Lyons, author of a
book entitled Infallibility of Human Judgment, was the occasion of a considerable
intimacy between us. He expressed great esteem for me, came frequently to see me, it
order to converse upon metaphysical subjects, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville,
author of the Fable of Bees, who had instituted a club at a tavern in Cheapside,
[...] which he was the soul: he was a facetious and very amusing character. He also
introduced me, at Baston's coffee-house, to Dr. Pemberton, who promised to give me
an opportunity of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, which I very ardently desired; but he
never kept his word.
I had brought some curiosities with me from America; the principal of which was a
purse made of Asbestos, which fire only purifies. Sir Hans Sloane hearing of it,
called upon me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury square, where, after
showing me every thing that was curious, he prevailed on me to add this piece to his
collection▪ for which he paid me very handsomely.
There lodged in the same house with us a young woman, a milliner, who had a
shop by the side of the Exchange. Lively and sensible, and having received an
education somewhat above her rank, her conversation was very agreeable. Ralph read
plays to her every evening. They became intimate. She took another lodging, and he
followed her. They lived for some time together; but Ralph being without employment,
she having a child, and the profits of her business not sufficing for the maintenance
of three, he resolved to quit London, and try a country school. This was a plan in
which he thought himself likely to succeed, as he wrote a fine hand, and was versed
in arithmetic and accounts. But considering the office as beneath him, and
expecting some day to make a better figure in the world, when he should be ashamed of
its being known that he had exercised a profession so little honourable, he changed
his name, and did me the honour of assuming mine. He wrote to me soon after his
departure, informing me that he was settled at a small village in Berkshire. In his
letter he recommended Mrs. T***, the milliner, to my care, and requested an answer,
directed to Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster at N***.
He continued to write to me frequently, sending me large fragments of an epic poem he
was composing, and which he requested me to criticise and correct. I did so, but not
without endeavouring to prevail on him to renounce this pursuit. Young had
jus [...] published one of his Satires. I copied and sent him a great part of it; in
which the author demonstrates the folly of cultivating the Muses, from the hope, by
their instrumentality, of rising in the world. It was all to no purpose; paper after
paper of his poem continued to arrive every post.
Meanwhile Mrs. T*** having lost, on his account, both her friends and her business
was frequently in distress. In this dilemma she had recourse to me; and to extricate
her from her difficulties, I lent her all the money I could spare. I felt a little
too much fondness for her. Having at that time no ties of religion, and taking
advantage of her necessitous situation, I attempted liberties (another error of my
life) which she repelle [...] with becoming indignation. She informed Ralph of my
conduct; and the affair occasioned a breach between us. When he returned to London,
he gave me to understand that he considered all the obligations he owed me as
annihilated by this proceeding▪ whence I concluded that I was never to expect the
payment of what money I had lent him, or advanced on his account. I was the less
afflicted at this, as he was unable to pay me; and as, by losing his friendship, I
was relieved at the same time from a very heavy burthen.
I now began to think of laying by some money. The printing-house of Watts, near [Page
77]Lincoln's Inn-Fields, being a still more con [...]derable one than that in which
I worked, it was probable I might find it more advantageous to be employed there. I
offered myself, and was accepted; and in this house I continued during the remainder
of my stay in London.
On my entrance I worked at first as a pressman, conceiving that I had need of bodily
exercise, to which I had been accustomed in America, where the printers work
alternately as compositors and at the press [...] drank nothing but water. The
other workmen, to the number of about fifty, were great drinkers of beer. I carried
occasionally a large form of letters in each hand, up and down stairs, while the
rest employed both hands to carry one. They were surprised to see, by this and many
other [...]amples, that the American Aquatic, as they used to call me, was stronger
than those who drank porter. The beer-boy had sufficient employment during the whole
day in serving that house alone. My fellow-pressman drank every day a pint of beer
before breakfast, a pint with bread and cheese for breakfast, one between breakfast
and dinner, one at dinner, one again about six o'clock in the afternoon, and another
after he had finished his day's work. This custom appeared to me abominable; but he
had need, he said, of all this beer, in order to acquire strength to work.
I endeavoured to convince him that bodily strength furnished by beer, could
only be in proportion to the solid part of the barley dissolved in the water of
which the beer was composed; that there was a larger portion of flour in a penny
loaf, and that consequently if he eat this loaf, and drank a pint of water with it,
he would derive more strength from it than from a pint of beer. This reasoning,
however, did not prevent him from drinking his accustomed quantity of beer, and
paying every Saturday night a score of four or five shillings a week for this cursed
beverage; an expence from which I was wholly exempt. Thus do these poor devils
continue all their lives in a state of voluntary wretchedness and poverty.
At the end of a few weeks, Watts having occasion for me above stairs as a compositor,
I quitted the press. The compositors demanded of me garnish-money afresh. This I
considered as an imposition, having already paid below. The master was of the same
opinion, and desired me not to comply. I thus remained two or three weeks out of the
fraternity. I was consequently looked upon as excommunicated; and whenever I was
absent, no little trick that malice could suggest was left unpractised upon me. I
found my letters mixed, my pages transposed, my matter broken, &c. &c. all
which was attributed to the spirit that haunted the chapel,* and tormented
those who were not regularly admitted. I was at last obliged to submit to pay,
notwithstanding the protection of the master; convinced of the folly of not keeping
up a good understanding with those among whom we were destined to live.
After this I lived in the utmost harmony with my fellow-labourers, and soon acquired
considerable influence among them. I proposed some alterations in the laws of the
chapel, which I carried without opposition. My example prevailed with several of
them to renounce their abominable practice of bread and cheese with beer; and they
procured, like me, from a neighbouring house, a good bason of warm gruel, in which
was a small slice of butter, with toasted bread and nutmeg. This was a much better
breakfast, which did not cost more than a pint of beer, namely, three-halfpence, and
at the same time preserved the head clearer. Those who continued to gorge
themselves with beer, often lost their credit with the publican, from neglecting to
pay their score. They had then recourse to me, to become security for them; their
light, as they used to call it, being out. I attended at the pay-table every
Saturday evening, to take up the little sum which I had made myself answerable for;
and which sometimes amounted to near thirty shillings a week.
This circumstance, added to my reputation of being a tolerable good gabber, or, in
other words, skilful in the art of burlesque, kept up my importance in the chapel. I
had besides recommended myself to the esteem of my master by my assiduous application
to business never observing Saint Monday. My extraordinary quickness in composing
always procured me such work as was most urgent, and which is commonly best paid;
and thus my time passed away in a very pleasant manner.
My lodging in Little Britain being to far from the printing-house, I took another in
Duke-street, opposite the Roman Chapel. It was the back of an Italian warehouse. The
house was kept by a widow, who had a daughter, a servant, and a shop boy; but the
latter slept out of the house. After sending to the people with whom I lodged in
Little Britain, to enquire into my character, she agreed to take me at the same
price, three-and-sixpence a week; contenting herself, she said, with so little,
because of the security she would derive, as they were all women, from having a man
to lodge in the same house.
She was a woman rather advanced in life, the daughter of a clergyman. She had been
educated a Protestant; but her husband, whose memory she highly revered, had
converted her to the Catholic religion. She had lived in habits of intimacy with
persons of distinction; of whom she knew various anecdotes as far back as
the time of Charles II. Being subject to fits of the gout, which often confined her
to her room, she was sometimes disposed to see company. Hers was so amusing to me,
that I was glad to pass the evening with her as often as she desired it. Our supper
consisted only of half an anchovy a piece, upon a slice of bread and butter, with
half a [...]nt of ale between us. But the entertainment was in her conversation.
The early hours I kept, and the little trouble I occasioned in the family, made her
loath to part with me; and when I mentioned another loding I had found, nearer the
printing-house, at two shillings a week, which fell in with my plan of saving, she
persuaded me to give it up, making herself an abatement of two shillings: and thus I
continued to lodge with her, during the remainder of my abode in London, at
eighteen-pence a week.
In a garret of the house there lived, in the most retired manner, a lady seventy
years of age, of whom I received the following account from my landlady. She was a
Roman Catholic. In her early years she had been sent to the continent, and entered a
convent with the design of becoming a nun; but the climate not agreeing with her
constitution, she was obliged to return to England, where, as there were no
monasteries, she made a vow to lead a monastic life, in as rigid a manner as
circumstances would permit. She accordingly disposed of her property to be
applied to charitable uses, reserving to herself only twelve pounds a year; and of
this small pittance she gave a part to the poor, living on water-gruel, and never
making use of fire but to boil it. She had lived in this garret a great many years,
without paying rent to the successive Catholic inhabitants that had kept the house;
who indeed considered her abode with them as a blessing. A priest came every day to
confess her. I have asked her, said my landlady, how, living as she did, she could
find so much employment for a confessor? To which she answered, that it was
impossible to avoid vain thoughts.
I was once permitted to visit her. She was cheerful and polite, and her conversation
agreeable. Her apartment was neat; but the whole furniture consisted of a mattrass,
a table, on which were a crucifix and a book, a chair, which she gave me to sit on,
and over the mantle-piece a picture of St. Veronica displaying her handkerchief, on
which was seen the miraculous impression of the face of Christ, which she explained
to me with great gravity. Her countenance was pale, but she had never experienced
sickness; and I may adduce her as another proof how little is sufficient to maintain
life and health.
At the printing-house I contracted an intimacy with a sensible young man of the name
of Wygate, who, as his parents were in good circumstances, had received a better
education than is common with printers. He was a tolerable Latin scholar,
spoke French fluently, and was fond of reading. I taught him, as well as a friend of
his, to swim, by taking them twice only into the river; after which they stood in
need of no farther assistance. We one day made a party to go by water to Chelsea, in
order to see the College, and Don Soltero's curiosities. On our return, at the
request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I undressed myself, and
leaped into the river. I swam from near Chelsea the whole way to Black-friars
Bridge, exhibiting, during my course, a variety of feats of activity and address,
both upon the surface of the water, as well as under it. This sight occasioned much
astonishment and pleasure to those to whom it was new. In my youth I took great
delight in this exercise. I knew, and could execute, all the evolutions and
positions of Thevenot; and I added to them some of my own invention, in which I
endeavoured to unite gracefulness and untility. I took a pleasure in displaying them
all on this occasion, and was highly flattered with the admiration they excited.
Wygate, besides his being desirous of perfecting himself in this art, was the more
attached to me from there being, in order respects, a conformity in our tastes and
studies. He at length proposed to me to make the tour of Europe with him, maintaining
ourselves at the same time by working at our profession. I was on the-point
of consenting, when I mentioned it to my friend Denham, with whom I was glad to pass
an hour whenever I had le [...] sure. He dissuaded me from the project, and advised
me to return to Philadelphia which he was about to do himself. I must relate in this
place a trait of this worthy man's character.
He had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failing, he compounded with his
creditors and departed for America, where, by assiduous application as a merchant,
he acquired in a few years a very considerable fortune. Returning to England in the
same vessel with myself, as I have related above, he invited all his old creditors to
a feast. When assembled, he thanked them for the readiness with which they had
received his small compositions and, while they expected nothing more than a simple
entertainment, each found under his plate, when it came to be removed, a draft upon a
banker for the residue of his debt with interest.
He told me it was his intention to cary back with him to Philadelphia a great
quantity of goods, in order to open a store; and he offered to take me with him in
the capacity of a clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy
letters and superintend the store. He added, that, as soon as I had acquired a
knowledge of mercantile transactions, he would improve my situation by sending me
with a cargo of corn and flour to the American islands, and by procuring me other
lucrative commissions; so that, with good management and economy, I might
in time begin business with advantage for myself.
I relished these proposals. London began to tire me; the agreeable hours I had passed
at Philadelphia presented themselves to my mind, and I had wished to see them
revive. I consequently engaged myself to Mr. Denham, at a salary of fifty pounds a
year. This was indeed less than I earned as a compositor, but then I had a much
fairer prospect. I took leave, therefore, as I believed forever, of printing, and
gave myself up entirely to my new occupation, spending all my time either in going
from house to house with Mr. Denham to purchase goods, or in packing them up, or in
expediting the workmen, &c. &c. When every thing was on board, I had at last
a few days leisure.
During this interval, I was one day sent for by a gentleman, whom I knew only by
name. It was Sir William Wyndham. I went to his house. He had by some means heard of
my performances between Chelsea and Blackfriers, and that I had taught the art of
swimming to Wygate and another young man in the course of a few hours. His two sons
were on the point of setting out on their travels; he was desirous that they should
previously learn to swim, and offered me a very liberal reward if I would undertake
to instruct them. They were not yet arrived in town, and the stay I should make
myself was uncertain; I coud not therefore accept his proposal. I was led
however to suppose from this incident, that if I had wished to remain in London, and
open a swimming-school, I should perhaps have gained a great deal of money. This idea
struck me so forcibly, that, had the offer been made sooner, I should have dismissed
the thoughts of returning as yet to America. Some years after, you and I had a more
important business to settle with one of the sons of Sir William Windham, then Lord
Egremont. But let us not anticipate events.
I thus passed a bout eighteen months in London, working almost without intermission
at my trade, avoiding all expence on my own account, excepting going now and then to
a play, and purchasing a few books. But my friend Ralph kept me poor. He owed me
about twenty-seven pounds, which was so much money lost; and when considered taken
from my little savings, was a very great sum. I had, notwithstanding this, a regard
for him, as he possessed many amiable qualities. But though I had done nothing for
myself in point of fortune, I had increased my stock of knowledge, either by the
many excellent books I had read, or the conversation of learned or literary persons
with whom I was acquinted.
We sailed from Gravesend the 23d of July 1726. For the incidents of my voyage I re
[...] fer you to my Journal, where you will fi [...] all the circumstances
minutely related. We landed at Philadelphia on the 11th of the following October.
Keith had been deprived of his office of governor, and was succeeded by Major
Gordon. I met him walking in the streets as a private individual. He appeared a
little ashamed at seeing me, but passed on without saying any thing.
I should have been equally ashamed myself at meeting Miss Read, had not her family,
justly desparing of my return after reading my letter, advised her to give me up, and
marry a potter, of the name of Rogers; [...] which she consented: but he never made
[...] happy, and she soon seperated from him, refusing to cohabit with him, or even
bate his name, on account of a report which prevailed, of his having another wife.
His skill in his profession had seduced Miss Read's, parents; but he was as bad a
subject as he was excellent as a workman. He involved himself i [...] debt, and fled,
in the year 1727 or 1728 to the West-Indies, were he died.
During my absence Keimer had taken a more considerable house, in which he kept a
shop, that was well supplied with paper, and various other articles. He had produced
some new tipes, and a number of workmen; among whom, however, there was not one who
was good for any thing; and he appeared not to want business.
Mr. Denham took a warehouse in Water-street, where we exhibited our
commodities. I applied myself closely, studied accounts, and became in a short time
very expert in trade. We lodged and eat together. He was sincerely attached to me,
and acted towards me as if he had been my father. On my side, I respected and loved
him. My situation was happy; but it was a happiness of no long duration.
Early in February 1727, when I entered into my twenty-second year, we were both taken
ill. I was attacked with a pleurisy, which had nearly carried me off; I suffered
terribly, and considered it as all over with me. I felt indeed a sort of
disappointment when I found myself likely to recover, and regretted that had still to
experience, sooner or later, the same disagreeable scene again.
I have forgotten what was Mr. Denham's disorder; but it was a tedious one, and at
last sunk under it. He left me a small legacy in his will, as a testimony of his
friendship; and I was once more abandoned to myself in the wide world, the warehouse
being confided to the care of the testamentary executor, who dismissed me.
My brother-in-law, Holmes, who happened to be at Philadelphia, advised me to return
to my former profession; and Keimer offered me a very considerable salary if I would
undertake the management of his printing-office, that he might devote himself
entirely to the superintendance of his shop. His wife and relations in
London had given me a bad character of him; and I was loath, for the present, to
have any concern with him. I endeavoured to get employment as a clerk to a merchant;
but not readily finding a situation, I was induced to accept Keimer's proposal.
The following were the persons I found in his printing-house:
Hugh Meredith, a Pennsylvanian, about thirty-five years of age. He had been brought
up to husbandry, was honest, sensible, had some experience, and was fond of reading:
but too much addicted to drinking.
Stephen Potts, a young rustic, just broke from school, and of rustic education, with
endowments rather above the common order, and a competent portion of understanding
and gaiety; but a little idle. Keimer had engaged these two at very low wages, which
he had promised to raise every three months a shilling a week, provided their
improvement in the typographic art should merit it. This future increase of wages was
the bait he made use of to ensnare them. Meredith was to work at the press, and Po
[...]ts to bind books, which he had engaged to teach them, though he understood
neither himself.
John Savage, an Irishman, who had been brought up to no trade, and whose service, for
a period of four years, Keimer had purchased of the captain of a ship. He was also
to be a pressman.
George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time he had in like manner bought for
four years, intending him for a compositor. I shall speak more of him presently.
Lastly, David Harry, a country la [...], who was apprenticed to him.
I soon perceived that Keimer's intention, in engaging me at a pr [...] so much above
what he was accustomed to give, was, t [...] I might form all these raw journeymen
and apprentices, who scarcely cost him any thing, and who, being indentured, would,
as soon as they should be sufficiently instructed, enable him to do without me. I
nevertheless adhered to my agreement. I put the office in order, which was in the
utmost confusion, and brought his people, by degrees, to pay attention to their work,
and to execute it i [...] a more masterly manner.
It was singular to see an Oxford scholar in the condition of a purchased servant. He
was not more than eighteen years of age, and the following are the particulars he
gave me of himself. Born at Gloucester, he had been educated at a grammar school, and
had distinguished himself among the scholars by his superior style of acting, when
they represented dramatic performances. He was member of a literary club in the
town; and some pieces of his composition, in prose as well as in verse, had been
inserted in the Gloucester papers. From hence he was sent to Oxford, where he
remained about a year; but he was not consented; and wished above all things [...]
[...]e London, and become an actor. At length, having received fifteen
guineas to pay his quarter's board, he decamped with the money from Oxford, hid his
gown in a hedge, and travelled to London. There, having no friend to direct him, he
fell into bad company, soon squandered his fifteen guineas, could find no way of
being introduced to the actors, became contemptible, pawned his clothes, and was in
[...]nt of bread. As he was walking along the streets, almost famished with hunger,
and not knowing what to do, a recruiting bill was put into his hand, which offered an
immediate treat and bounty-money to whoever was disposed to serve in America. He
instantly repaired to the house of rendezvous, inlisted himself, was put on board a
ship and conveyed to America, without ever writing to inform his parents what was
become of him. His mental vivacity, and good natural disposition, made him an
excellent companion; but he be was indolent, thoughtless, and to the last degree
imprudent.
John, the Irishman, soon ran away. I began to live very agreeably with the rest.
They inspected me, and the more so as they found Keimer incapable of instructing
them, and as they learned something from me every day. We never worked on a Saturday,
it being Keimer's sabbath; so that I had two days a week for reading.
I increased my acquaintance with persons of knowledge and information in the town.
Keimer himself treated me with great civilit [...] and apparent esteem; and
I had nothing to give me uneasiness but my debt to Vernon, which I was unable to pay,
my savings as yet being very little. He had the goodness, however, not to ask me for
the money.
Our press was frequently in want of the necessary quanty of letter; and there was no
such trade as that of letter-founder in America I had seen the practice of this art
at the house of James, in London; but at the same time paid it very little attention.
I however contrived to fabricate a mould. I made use of such letters of lead in
matrices of clay, and thus supplied, in a tolerable manner, the wants that were most
pressing.
I also, upon occasion, engraved various ornaments, made ink, gave an eye to the
shop; in short, I was in every respect the factotum. But useful as I made myself, I
perceived that my services became every day of le [...]s importance, in proportion
as the other men improved; and when Keimer paid me my second quarter's wages, he
gave me to understand that they were too heavy, and that he thought I ought to make
an abatement. He became by degrees le [...]s civil, and assumed more the tone of
master. He frequently found fault, was difficult to please, and seemed always on the
point of coming to an open quarrel with me.
I continued, however, to bear it patiently, conceiving that his ill-humour was partly
occasioned by the derangement and embarrassment of his affairs. At last a
slight incident broke our connection. Hearing a noise in the neighbourhood, I put my
head out of the window to see what was the matter. Keimer being in the street,
observed me, and in a lound an angry tone, told me to mind my work; adding some
reproachful words, which piqued me the more as they were uttered in the street; and
the neighbours, whom the same noise had attracted to the windows, were witnesses of
the manner in which I was treated. He immediately came up to the printing-room, and
continued to exclaim against me. The quarrel became warm on both sides, and he gave
me notice to quit him at the expiration of three months, as had been agreed between
us; regretting that he was obliged to give me so long a term. I told him that his
regret was superfluous, as I was ready to quit him instantly; and I took my hat and
came out of the house, begging Meredith to take care of some things which I left, and
bring them to my lodgings.
Meredith came to me in the evening. We talked for some time upon the quarrel that had
taken place. He had conceived a great veneration for me, and was sorry I should quit
the house while he remained in it. He [...]issuaded me from returning to my native
country, as I began to think of doing. He reminded me that Keimer owed more than he
possessed; that his creditors began to be alarmed; that he kept his shop in
a wretched state, often selling things at prime cost for the sake [...] ready money,
and continually giving credit without keeping any accounts; that of consequence he
must very soon fail, which would occasion a vacancy from which I might derive
advantage. I objected my want of money. Upon which he informed me that his father had
a very high oppinion of me, and, from a conversation that had passed between them, he
was sure that he would advance whatever might be necessary to establish [...] if I
was willing to enter into partnership with him. "My time with Keimer," added he "will
be at an end next spring. In the me [...] time we may send to London for our press a
[...] types. I know that I am no workman; but if you agree to the proposal, your
skill in the business will be balanced by the capital I will furnish, and we will
share the profits equally. His proposal was reasonable, and I fell in with it. His
father, who was then in the tow [...], approved of it. He knew that I had some
ascendency over his son, as I had been able [...] prevail on him to abstain a long
time from drinking brandy; and he hoped that, when more closely connected with him, I
should cure him entirely of this unfortunate habit.
I gave the father a list of what it would be necessary to import from London. He took
it to a merchant, and the order was given. We agreed to keep the secret till the
arrival of the materials, and I was in the mean time is procure work, if
possible, in another printing-house; but there was no place vacant, and I remained
idle. After some days, Keimer having the expectation of being employed to [...]nt
some New-Jersey money-bills, that would [...]quire types and engravings which I only
could furnish, and fearful that Bradford, by engaging me, might deprive him of the
undertaking, sent me a very civil message, telling me that old friends ought not to
be dis [...]ted on account of a few words, which were the effect only of a momentary
passion, and inviting me to return to him. Meredith persuaded me to comply with the
invitation, par [...]ularly as it would afford him more opportunities of improving
himself in the business by means of my instructions. I did so, and we lived upon
better terms than before our [...]paration.
He obtained the New-Jersey business; and, in order to execute it, I constructed a
copper [...]te printing-press; the first that had been seen in the country. I
engraved various ornaments and vignettes for the bills; and we repaired to
Burlington together, where I executed the whole to the general satisfaction; and he
received a sum of money for his work, which enabled him to keep his head above water
for a considerable time longer.
At Burlington I formed acquaintance with the principal personages of the province;
many of whom were commissioned by the Assembly to superintend the press, and to see
that no more bills were printed than the law had prescribed. Accordingly
they were constantly with us, each in his turn; and he that came commonly brought
with him a friend or two to bear him company. My mind was more cultivated by reading
than Keimer's; and it was for this reason, probably, that they set more value on my
conversation. They took me to their houses, introduced me to their friends, and
treated me with the greatest civility; while Keimer, though master, saw himself a
little neglected. He was, in fact, a strange animal, ignorant of the common modes of
life, apt to oppose with rudeness, generally received opinions, an enthusiast in
certain points of religion, disgustingly unclean in his person, and a little knavish
withal.
We remain there nearly three months; and at the expiration of this period I could
include in the list of my friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustil, secretary of the
province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, several of the Smiths, all members of the
Assembly, and Isaac Deacon, inspector-general. The last was a shrewd and subtle old
man. He told me, that, when a boy, his first employment had been that of carrying
clay to brick-makers; that he did not learn to write till he was somewhat advanced
in life; that he was afterwards employed as an underling to a surveyor, who taught
him his trade, and that by industry he had at last acquired a competent fortune. "I
for-see," said he, one day to me, "that you will soon supplant this man,"
speaking of Keimer, "and get a fortune in the business at Philadelphia." He was
totally ignorant at the time of my intention of establishing myself there, or any
where else. These friends were very serviceable to me in the end, as was I also, upon
occasion, to some of them; and they have continued ever since their esteem for
me.
Before I relate the particulars of my entrance into business, it may be proper to
inform you what was at that time the state of my mind as to moral principles, that
you may see the degree of influence they had upon the subsequent events of my
life.
My parents had given me betimes religious impressions; and I received from my
infancy a pious education in the principles of Calvinism. But scarcely was I
arrived at fifteen years of age, when, after having doubted in turn of different
tenets, according as I found them combated in the different books that I read, I
began to doubt of revelation itself. Some volumes against deism fell into my hands.
They were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle's lecture. It
happened that they produced on me an effect precisely the reverse of what was
intended by the writers; for the arguments of the deists, which were cited in order
to be refuted, appeared to me much more forcible than the refutation itself. In a
word I soon became a perfect deist. My arguments soon perverted some other
young persons; particularly Collins and Ralph. But in the sequel, when I recollected
that they had both used me extremely ill, without the smallest remorse; when I
considered the behaviour of Keith, another free-thinker, and my conduct towards
Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave me much uneasiness, I was led to suspect
that this doctrine, though it might be true, was not very useful. I began to
entertain a less favourable opinion of my London pamphlet, to which I had prefixed,
as a motto, the following lines of Dryden;
Whatever is, is right; tho' purblind man
Sees but part of the chain, the nearest link,
His eyes not carrying to the unequal beam
That poises all above.
and of which the object was to prove, from the arttributes of God, his goodness,
wisdom, and power, that there could be on such thing as evil in the world: that vice
and virtue did not in reality exist, and were nothing more than vain distinctions. I
no longer regarded it as so blameless a work as I had formerly imagined; and I
suspected some error must have imperceptibly have glided into my argument, by all the
inferences I had drawn from it had been affected, as frequently happens in
metaphysical reasonings. In a word, I was at last convinced that truth, probity, and
sincerity, in transactions between man and man, were of the utmost importance to
the happiness of life; and I resolved from that moment, and wrote the
resolution in my journal, to practise them as long as I lived.
Revelation indeed, as such, had no influence on my mind; but I was of opinion that,
though certain actions could not be bad merely because revelation prohibited them, or
good, because it enjoined them, yet it was probable that those actions were
prohibited because they were bad for us, or enjoined because advantageous in their
nature, all things considered. This persuasion, divine Providence, or some guardian
angel, and perhaps a concurence of favourable circumstances in their nature,
cooperating, preserved me from all immorality, or gross and voluntary injustice, to
which my want of religion was calculated to expose me, in the dangerous period of
youth, and in the hazardous situation in which I sometimes found myself, among
strangers, and at a distance from the eye and admonitions of my father. I may say
voluntary, because the errors into which I had fallen, had been in a manner the
forced result either of my own experience, or the dishonesty of others. Thus, before
I entered on my new career, I had imbibed solid principles, and a character of
probity. I knew their value; and I made a solemn engagement with myself never to
depart from them.
I had not long returnd from Burlington before our printing materials arrived from
London. I settled my accounts with Keimer, and quitted him with his own consent,
before he had any knowledge of our plan. We found a house near the market.
We took it; and to render the rent less burthen some (it was then twenty-four pounds
a-year, but have since known it to let for seventy;) we admitted Thomas Godfrey,
glazier, with his family, who eased us of a considerable part of it; and with him we
agreed to board.
We had no sooner unpacked our letters, and put our press in order, than a person of
my acquaintance, George House, brought us a countryman, whom he had met in the street
enquiring for a printer. Our money was almost exhausted by the number of things we
had been obliged to procure. The five shillings we received from this countryman, the
first fruit of our earnings, coming so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any sum
I have since gained; and the recollection of the gratitude I felt on this occasion
to George House, has rendered me often more disposed, than perhaps I should
otherwise have been, no encorage young beginners in trade.
There are in every country morose beings, who are always prognosticating ruin. There
was one of this stamp in Philadelphia. He was a man of fortune, declined in years,
had an air of wisdom, and a very grave manner of speaking. His name was Samuel
Mickle. I knew him not; but he stopped one day at my door, and asked me if I was the
young man who had lately opened a new printing-house. Upon my answering in the
affirmative he said he was very sorry for me, as it was an expensive
undertaking, and the money that had been laid out upon it would be lost, Philadelphia
being a place falling into decay; its inhabitants having all, or nearly all of them,
been obliged to all together their creditors. That he knew, from undoubted fact, the
circumstances which might lead us to suppose the contrary, such as new buildings,
and the advanced price of rent, to be deceitful appearances, which in reality
contributed to hasten the general ruin; and he gave me so long a detail of
misfortunes, actually existing, or which were soon to take place, that he left me
almost in a state of despair. Had I known this man before I entered into trade, I
should doubtless never have ventured. He however continued to live in this place of
decay, and to declaim in the same style, refusing for many years to buy a house,
because all was going to wreck; and in the end I had the satisfaction to see him pay
five times as much for one as it would cost him had he purchased it when he first
began his lamentations.
I ought to have related, that, during the autumn of the preceding year, I had united
the majoirity of well-informed persons of my acquaintance into a club, which we
called by the name of the Junto, and the object of which was to improve our
understandings. We met every Friday evening. The regulations I drew up, obliged
every member to propose, in his turn, one or more questions upon some point
of morality, politics, or philosophy, which were to be discussed by the society; and
to read, once in three months, an essay of his own composition, on whatever subject
he pleased. Our debates were under the direction of a president, and were to be
dictated only by a sincere desire of truth; the pleasure of disputing, and the vanity
of triumph having no share in the business; and in order to prevent undue warmth,
every expression which implied obstinate adherence to an opinion, and all direct
contradiction, were prohibited, under small pecuniary penalties.
The first members of our club were Joseph Breintnal, whose occupation was that of a
scrivener. He was a middle-aged man, of a good natural disposition, strongly attached
to his friends, a great lover of poetry, reading every thing that came in his way,
and writing tolerably well, ingenious in many little trifles and of an agreeble
conversation.
Thomas Godfrey, a skilful, though self-taught mathematician, and who was afterwards
the inventer of what goes by the name of Hadley's dial; but he had little knowledge
out of his own line, and was in [...]upportable in company, always requiring, like
the majority of mathematicians that have fallen in my way, an unusual precision in
every thing that is said, continually contradicting, or making trifling di
[...]tinctions; a sure way of defeating all the ends of conversation. He
very soon left us.
Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, and who became afterwards surveyor-general. He was fond
of books, and wrote verses.
William Parsons, brought up to the trade of a shoemaker, but who, having a taste for
reading, had acquired a profound knowledge of mathematics. He first studied them with
a view to astrology, and was afterwards the first to laugh at his folly. He also
became surveyor-general.
William Mawgridge, a joiner, and very excellent mechanic; and in other respects a man
of solid understanding.
Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts and George Webb, of whom I have already spoken.
Robert Grace, a young man of fortune; generous, animated, and witty; fond of
epigrams, but more fond of his friends.
And lastly, William Coleman, at that time a merchan [...]'s clerk, and nearly of my
own age. He had a cool [...]r and clearer head, a better heart, and more scrupulous
morals, than almost any other person I ever met with. He became a very re
[...]pectable merchant, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship subsisted,
without interruption, for more than forty years, till the period of his death; and
the club continued to exist almost as long.
This was the best school of politics and philosophy that then existed in the
province; for our questions, which were read a week previous to their
discussion, induced us to peruse attentively such books as were written upon the
subjects proposed, that we might be able to speak upon them more pertinently. We thus
acquired the habit of conversing more agreeably; every object being discussed
conformably to our regulations, and in a manner to prevent mutual disgust. To this
circumstance may be attributed the long duration of the club; which I shall have
frequent occasion to mention as I proceed.
I have introduced it here, as being one of the means on which I had to count for my
success in my business; every member exerting himself to procure work for us.
Breintnal, among others, obtained for us, on the part of the Quakers, the printing
of forty sheets of their history; the rest of which was to be done by Keimer. Our
execution of this work was by no means masterly; as the price was very low. It was in
folio, upon pro patria paper, and in the pica letter, with heavy notes in the
smallest type. I composed a sheet a day, and Meredith put it to the press. It was
frequently eleven o'clock at night, sometimes later, before I had finished my
distribution for the next day's task; for the little things which our friends
occasionally sent us, kept us back in this work: but I was so determined to compose a
sheet a day, that one evening, when my form was imposed, and my day's work as I
thought, at an end, an accident having broken this form, and deranged two
complete folio pages. I immediately distributed, and composed them anew before I
went to bed.
This unwearied industry, which was perceived by our neigbours, began to acquire us
reputation and credit. I learned, among other things, that our new printing-house
being the subject of conversation at a club of merchants, who met every evening, it
was the general opinion that it would fail; there being already two printing-houses
in the town, Keimer's and Bradford's. But Dr. Bard, whom you and I had occasion to
see, many years after, at his native town of St. Andrew's in Scotland, was of a
different opinion. "The industry of this Franklin (said he, is superior to any thing
of the kind I have ever witnessed. I see him still at work when I return from the
club at night, and he is at it again in the morning before his neighbours are out of
bed." This account struck the rest of the assembly, and shortly after one of its
members came to our house, and offered to supply us with articles of stationary; but
we wished not as yet to embarrass our [...]elves with keeping a shop. It is not for
the sake of applause that I enter so freely into the particulars of my industry, but
that such of my descendants as shall read there memoirs may know the use of this
virtue, by seeing in the recital of my life the effects it operated in my favour.
George Webb, having found a friend who lent him the necessary sum to buy
out his time of Keimer, came one day to offer himself to us as a journeyman. We could
not employ him immediately; but I foolishly told him, under the rose, that I intended
shortly to publish a new periodical paper, and that we should then have work for
him. My hopes of success, which I imparted to him, were founded on the circumstance,
that the only paper we had in Philadelphia at that time, and which Bradford printed,
was a paltry thing, miserably conducted, in no respect amusing, and yet was
profitable. I consequently supposed that a good work of this kind could not fail of
success. Webb betrayed my secret to Keimer, who, to prevent me, immediately
published the prospectus of a paper that he intended to institute himself, and in
which Webb was to be engaged.
I was exa [...]perated at this proceeding and, with a view to counteract them, not
being able at present to institute my own paper, I wrote some humourous pieces in
Bradford's, under the title of the Busy Body*; and which was continued for several
months by Breintnal. I hereby fixed the attention of the public upon Bradford's
paper; and the prospectus of Keimer, which he turned into ridicule, was treated
with contempt. He began, notwithstanding, his paper; and after continuing
it for nine months, having at most not more than ninety subscribers, he offered it me
for a mere trifle. I had for some time been ready for such an engagement; I therefore
instantly took it upon myself, and in a few years it proved extremely profitable to
me.
I perceive that I am apt to speak in the first person, though our partnership still
continued. It is perhaps, because in fact, the whole business devolved upon me.
Meredith was no compositor, and but an indifferent pressman; and it was rarely that
he abstained from hard drinking. My friends were sorry to see me connected with him;
but I contrived to derive from it the utmost advantage the case admitted.
Our first number produced no other affect than any other paper which had appeared in
the province, as to type and printing; but some remarks, in my peculiar style of
writing, upon the dispute which then prevailed between governor Burnet, and the
Massachusetts assembly, struck some persons as above mediocrity, caused the paper
and its editors to be talked of, and in a few weeks induced them to become our
subscribers. Many others followed their example; and our subscription continued to
increase. This was one of the first good effects of the pains I had taken to learn to
put my ideas on paper. I derived this farther advantage f [...]om it, that the
leading men of the place, seeing in the author of this pu [...] [...] well
able to use his pen, thought it right to encourage and patronise me.
The votes, laws, and other public pieces, were printed by Bradford. An address of the
house of Assembly to the govenor had been executed by him in a very coarse and
incorrect manner. We reprinted it with accuracy and neatness, and sent a copy to
every member. They perceived the difference; and it so strengthened the influence of
our friends in the Assembly, that we were nominated its printer for the following
year.
Among these friends I ought not to forget one member in particular, Mr. Hamilton,
whom I have mentioned in a former part of my narrative, and who was now returned from
England. He warmly interested himself for me on this occasion, as he did likewise on
many others afterwards; having continued his kindness to me till his death.
About this period Mr. Vernon reminded me of the debt I owed him, but without
pressing me for payment. I wrote him a handsome letter on the occasion, begging him
to wait a little longer, to which he consented; and as soon as I was able I paid him,
principal and interest, with many expressions of gratitude; so that this error of my
life was in a manner atoned for.
But another trouble now happened to me, which I had not the smallest reason to
expect. Meredith's father, who, according to our agreement, was to defray
the whole expence of our printing materials, had only paid a hundred pounds. Another
hundred was still due, and the merchant being tired of waiting, commenced a suit
against us. We bailed the action, with the melancholy prospect, that, if the money
was not forth coming at the time fixed, the affair would come to issue, judgment be
put in execution, our delightful hopes be annihilated, and ourselves entirely ruined;
as the type and press must be sold, perhaps at half their value, to pay the debt.
In this distress, two real friends, whose generous conduct I have never forgotten,
and never shall forget while I retain the remembrance of any thing, came to me
separately, without the knowledge of each other, and without my having applied to
them. Each offered me whatever sum might be necessary, to take the business into my
own hands, if the thing was practicable, as they did not like I should continue in
partnership with Meredith, who, they said, was frequently seen drunk in the streets,
and gambling at ale-houses, which very much injured our credit. These friends were
William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them that while there remained any
probability that the Merediths would fulfil their part of the compact, I could not
propose a seperation; as I conceived myself to be under obligations to them for what
they had done already, and were still disposed to do if they had the power: [Page
110]but in the end should they fail in their engagement, and our partnership be
dissolved, I should then think myself at liberty to accept the kindness of my
friends.
Things remained for some time in this state. At last I said one day to my partner,
"Your father is perhaps dissatisfied with your having a share only in the business,
and is unwilling to do for two, what he would do for you alone. Tell me frankly if
that be the case, and I will resign the whole to you, and do for myself as well as I
can."—" No (said he) my father has really been disappointed in his hopes; he is not
able to pay, and I wish to put him to no further inconvenience. I see that I am not
at all calculated for a printer; I was educated as a farmer, and it was absurd in me
to come here, at thirty years of age, and bind myself apprentice to a new trade. Many
of my countrymen are going to settle in North-Carolina, where the soil is
exceedingly favourable. I am tempted to go with them, and to resume my former
occupation. You will doubtless find friends who will assist you. If you will take
upon yourself the debts of the partnership, return my father the hundred pounds he
has advanced, pay my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new
saddle, I will renounce the partnership, and consign over the whole stock to
you."
I accepted this proposal without hesitation. It was committed to paper, and signed
and [...]ealed without delay. I gave him what he demanded, and he departed
soon after for Carolina, from whence he sent me, in the following year, two long
letters, containing the best accounts that had yet been given of that country, as to
climate, soil, agriculture, &c. for he was well versed in these matters. I
published them in my newspaper, and they were received with great satisfaction.
As soon as he was gone I applied to my two friends, and not wishing to give a
disobliging preference to either of them, I accepted from each half what he had
offered me, and which it was necessary I should have. I paid the partnership debts,
and continued the business on my own account; taking care to inform the public, by
advertisement, of the partnership being dissolved. This was, I think, in the year
1729, or thereabout.
Nearly at the same period the people demanded a new emission of paper money; the
existing and only one that had taken place in the province, and which amounted to
fifteen thousand pounds, being soon to expire. The wealthy inhabitants, prejudiced
against every sort of paper currency, from the fear of its depreciation, of which
there had been an instance in the province of New-England, to the injury of its
holders, strongly opposed the measure. We had discussed this affair in our junto, in
which I was on the side of the new emission; convinced that the first small sum
fabricated in 1723, had done much good in the province, by favouring
commerce, industry and population, since all the houses were now inhabited, and many
others building; whereas I remembered to have seen, when first I paraded the streets
of Philadelphia eating my roll, the majority of those in Walnut-street,
Second-street, Fourth-street, as well as a great number in Chesnut and other streets,
with papers on them signifying that they were to be let; which made me think at the
time that the inhabitants of the town were deserting it one after another.
Our debates made me so fully master of the subject, that I wrote and published an
anonymous pamphlet, entitled, An Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper
Currency. It was very well received by the lower and middling class of people; but
it displeased the opulent, as it increased the clamour in favour of the new
emission.—Having, however, no writer among them capable of answering it, their
opposition became less violent; an there being in the house of Assembly a majority
for the measure, it passed. The friends I had acquired in the house, persuaded that
I had done the country essential service on this occasion, rewarded me by giving me
the printing of the bills. It was a lucrative employment, and proved a very
seasonable help to me; another advantage which I derived from having habituated
myself to write.
Time and experience so fully demonstrated the utility of paper currency,
that it never after experienced any considerable opposition; so that it soon amounted
to 55,000l. and in the year 1739 to 80,000l. It has since risen, during the last war,
to 350,000l. trade, buildings and population having in the interval continually
encreased, but I am now convinced that there are limits beyond which paper money
would be prejudicial.
I soon after obtained, by the influence of my friend Hamilton, the printing of the
Newcastle paper money, another profitable work, as I then thought it, little things
appearing great to persons of moderate fortune; and they were really great to me, as
proving great encouragements. He also procured me the printing of the laws and votes
of that government which I retained as long as I continued in the business.
I now opened a small stationer's shop. I kept bonds and agreements of all kinds,
drawn up in a more accurate form than had yet been seen in that part of the world; a
work in which I was assisted by my friend Brientnal. I had also paper, parchment,
pasteboard, books, &c. One Whitemash, an excellent compositor, whom I had known
in London, came to offer himself. I engaged him, and he continued constantly and
diligently to work with me, I also took an apprentice, the son of Aqui [...]a
Rose.
I began to pay, by degrees, the debt I had contracted; and in order to injure my
credit and character as a tradesman. I took care not only to be really
industrious and frugal, but also to avoid every appearance of the contrary. I was
plainly dressed, and never seen in any place of public amusement. I never went a
fishing or hunting: A book indeed enticed me sometimes from my work, but it was
seldom, by stealth, and occasioned no scandal; and to show that I did not think
myself above my profession, I conveyed home sometimes in a wheelbarrow the paper I
purchased at the warehouses.
I thus obtained the reputation of being an industrious young man, and very punctual
in my payments. The merchants who imported articles of stationary solicited my
custom; others offered to furnish me with books, and my little trade went on
prosperously.
Meanwhile the credit and business of Keimer diminished every day, he was at last
forced to sell his stock to satisfy his creditors; and he betook himself to
Barbadoes, where he lived some time in a very impoverished state. His apprentice,
David Harry, whom I had instructed while I worked with Keimer, having bought his
materials, succeeded him in the business. I was apprehensive at first of finding in
Harry a powerful competitor, as he was allied to an opulent and respectable family; I
therefore proposed a partnership, which, happily for me, he rejected with disdain.
He was extremely proud, thought himself a fine gentleman, lived extravagantly, and
pursued amusements which suffered him to be scarcely ever at home; of
consequence he became in debt, neglected his business, and business neglected him.
Finding in a short time nothing to be done in the country, he followed Keimer to
Barbadoes, carrying his printing materials with him. There the apprentice employed
his old master as a journeyman. They were continually quarrelling; and Harry still
getting in debt, was obliged at last to sell his press and types, and return to his
old occupation of husbandry in Pennsylvania. The person who purchased them employed
Keimer to manage the business; but he died a few years after.
I had now at Philadelphia no competitor but Brandford, who, being in easy
circumstances, did not engage in the printing of books, except now and then as
workmen chanced to offer themselves; and was not anxious to extend his trade. He
had, however, one advantage over me, as he had the direction of the post-office, and
was of consequence supposed to have better opportunities of obtaining news. His
paper was also supposed to be more advantageous to advertising customers; an din
consequence of that supposition, his advertisements where much more numerous than
mine: this was a source of great profit to him, and disadvantageous to me. It was to
no purpose that I really procured other papers, and distributed my own, by means of
the post; the public took for granted my inability in this respect; and I was indeed
unable to conquer it in any other mode than by bribing the post-boys who
served me only by stealth, Bradford being so illiberal as to forbid them.— This
treatment of his excited by resentment; and my disgust was so rooted, that, when I
afterwards succeeded him in the post-office, I took care to avoid copying his
example.
I had hitherto continued to board with Godfrey, who, with his wife and children,
occupied part of my house, and half of the shop for his business; at which indeed he
worked very little, being always absorbed by mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey formed a wish
of Marrying me to the daughter of one of her relations. She contrived various
opportunities of bringing us together, till she saw that I was captivated; which was
not difficult, they lady in question possessing great personal merit. The parents
encouraged my addresses, by inviting me continually to supper and leaving us
together, till at last it was time to come to an explanation. Mrs. Godfrey undertook
to negociate our little treaty. I gave her to understand, that I expected to
receive with the young lady a sum of money that would enable me at least to discharge
the remainder of my debt for my printing materials. It was then, I believe, not more
than a hundred pounds. She brought me for answer, that they had no such sum at their
di [...]posal. I observed that it might ea [...]ily be obtained, by a mortgage on
their house. The reply of this was, after a few days interval, that they did not
approve of the match; that they had con [...]ted Bradford, [...]d found
that the business of a printer was not lucrative; that my letters would soon be worn
out, and must be supplied by new ones; that Keimer and Harry had failed, and that,
probably, I should do so too. Accordingly the forbade me the house, and the young
lady was confined. I know not if they had really changed their minds, or if it was
merely an artifice, supposing our affections to be too far engaged for us to desist,
and that we should contrive to marry secretly, which would leave them at liberty to
give or not as they pleased. But, suspecting this motive, I never went again to their
house.
Some time after Mrs. Godfrey informed me that they were favourably disposed towards
me, and wished me to renew the acquaintance; but I declared a firm resolution never
to have any thing more to do with the family. The Godfreys expressed some resentment
at this; and as we could no longer agree, they changed their residence, leaving me
in posession of the whole house. I then resolved to take no more lodgers. This affair
having turned my thoughts to marriage, I looked around me, and made overtures of
alliance in other quarters; but I soon found that the profession of a printer being
generally looked upon as a poor trade, I could expect no money with a wife, at least
if I wished her to possess any other charm. Meanwhile, that passion of youth, so
difficult to govern, had often drawn me into intrigues with despicable women who
fell in my way; which were not unaccompanied with expence and
inconvenience, besides the perpetual risk of injuring my health, and catching a
disease which I dreaded above all things. But I was fotunate enough to escape this
danger.
As a neighbour and old acquaintance, I kept up a friendly intimacy with the family of
M [...] Read. Her parents retained an affection for me from the time of my lodging in
their house. I was often invited thither; consulted me about their affairs, and I had
been sometimes serviceable to them. I was touched with the unhappy situation of
their daughter, who was almost always melancholy, and continually seeking solitude. I
regarded my forgetfulness and inconstancy, during my abode in London, as the
principal cause of her misfortune; though her mother had the candour to attribute the
fault to herself, rather than to me, because, after having prevented our marriage
previous to my departure, she had induced her to marry another in my absence.
Our mutual affection revived; but there existed great obstacles to our union. Her
marriage was considered, indeed, as not being valid, the man having, it was said, a
former wife still living in England; but of this it was difficult to obtain a proof
at so great a distance; and though a report prevailed of his being dead, yet we had
no certainty of it; and supposing it to be true, he had left many debts, for the
payment of which his successor might be sued. We ventured nevertheless, in
spite of all these difficulties, and I married her on the first of September 1730.
None of the inconveniencies we had feared happened to us —She proved to me a good and
faithful companion, and contributed essentially to the success of my shop. We
prospered together, and it was our mutual study to render each other happy. Thus I
corrected, as well as I could, this great error of my youth.
Our club was not at that time established at a tavern. We held our meetings at the
house of Mr. Grace, who appropriated a room to the purpose. Some member observed one
day, that as our books were frequently quoted in the course of our discussions, it
would be convenient to have them collected in the room in which we assembled, in
order to be consulted upon occasion; and that, by thus forming a common library of
our individual collections, each would have the advantage of using the books of all
the other members, which would nearly be the same as if he possessed them all
himself. The idea was approved, and we accordingly brought such books as we thought
we could spare, which were placed at the end of the club-room. They amounted not to
so many as we expected; and though we made considerable use of them, yet some
inconveniencies resulting, from want of care, it was agreed, after about a year, to
destroy the collection; and each took away such books as belonged to him.
It was now that I first started the idea of e [...] tablishing, by
subscription, a public library. [...] drew up the proposals, had them ingrossed [...]
form by Brockden the attorney, and my project succeeded, as will be seen in the
sequel
[The life of Dr. Franklin, as written by himself, so far as it has yet been
communicated to the world, breaks off in this place. We understand that it was
continued by him somewhat further, and we hope that the remainder will at some
future period, be communicated to the public. We have no hesit [...] tion in
supposing that every reader will sin [...] himself greatly interested by the frank
simplicity and the philosophical discernment by which these pages are so eminently
characterised. We have therefore thought proper, in order as much as possible to
relieve his regret, to subjoin the following continuation, by one of the doctor's
intimate friends. It is extracted from an American periodioal publication, and was
written by the late Dr. Stuber* of Philadelphia.]
THE promotion of literature had been [...]e attended to in Pennsylvania.
Most of [...] inhabitants were too much immersed in [...]iness to think of scientific
pursuits; and [...]ose few, whose inclinations led them to [...]dy, found it
difficult to gratify them, from [...]e want of sufficiently large libraries. In such
[...]cumstances the establishment of a public [...]ary was an important event. This
was first [...] on foot by Franklin, about the year 1731. [...]ty persons subscribed
forty shillings each, [...] agreed to pay ten shillings annually.— [...] number
increased; and in 1742, the [...]pany was incorporated by the name of "The Library
Company of Philadelphia." Se [...]al other companies were formed in this city
[...]imitation of it. These were all at length uni [...]d with the library company
of Philadelphia, which thus received a considerable accession of books and
property. It now contains abo [...] eight thousand volumes on all subjects, a p
[...]losophical apparatus, and a good beginn [...] [...]owards a collection of
natural and artific [...] curiosities, besides landed property of co [...] derable
value. The company have late [...] built an elegant house in Fifth-street, in [...]
front of which is erected a marble statue [...] their founder, Benjamin Franklin.
This institution was greatly encouraged [...] the friends of literature in America
and [...] Great-Britain. The Penn family distingui [...] ed themselves by their
donations. Amon [...] the earliest friends of this institution mu [...] [...]
mentioned the late Peter Collinson, the fri [...] and correspondent of Dr. Franklin.
He not [...]ly made considerable presents himself, and [...]tained others from his
friends, but volunta [...] undertook to manage the business of the co [...] pany in
London, recommending books, p [...] chasing and shipping them. His extensi [...]
knowledge, and zeal for the promotion [...] science, enabled him to execute this
import [...] trust with the greatest advantage. He con [...] nued to perform these
services for more tha [...] thirty years, and uniformly refused to acc [...] of any
compensation. During this time, [...] communicated to the directors every inform
[...] tion relative to improvements and discover [...] in the arts, agriculture, and
philosophy.
The beneficial influence of the instituti [...] was soon evident. The cheapness of
ter [...] rendered it accessible to every one. Its adv [...]es were not
confined to the opulent. The [...]ens in the middle and the lower walks of [...] were
equally partakers of them. Hence a de [...]e of information extended amongst all
clas [...] of people, which is very unusal in other [...]ces. The example was soon
followed. Li [...]aries were established in various places, [...]d they are now
become very numerous in [...] United States, and particularly in Penn [...]vania. It
is to be hoped that they will be [...] more widely extended, and that informa [...]
will be every where increased. This will be [...] best security for maintaining our
liberties. A [...]ion of well-informed men, who have been [...]ght to know and prize
the rights which God [...] given them, cannot be inslaved. It is in the [...]ions of
ignorance that tyranny reigns. It [...] before the light of science. Let the citi
[...]s of America, then, encourage institutions [...]culated to diffuse knowledge
amongst the [...]ople; and amongst these, public libraries [...] not the least
important.
In 1732, Franklin beg [...]n to publish Poor [...]chard's Almanac. This was
remarkable [...] the numerous and valuable concise maxims [...]hich it contained, all
tending to exhort to [...]ustry and frugality. It was continued for ma [...] years.
In the almanac fo [...] the last year, all the maxims were collected in an address to
the rea [...]r, entitled, The Way to wealth. This has been [...]slated in various
languages, and inserted [...] different publications. It has also been [...]ated on a
large sheet, and may be seen framed in this city. This address contains, p
[...] haps the best practical system of econo [...] that ever has appeared. It is
written in a m [...] ner intelligible to every one, and which ca [...] not fail of
convincing every reader of the [...] tice and propriety of the remarks and ad [...]
which it contains. The demand for this al [...] nac was so great, that ten thousand
have [...] sold in one year; which must be conside [...] as a very large number,
especially when [...] reflect, that this country was, at that time, [...] thinly
peopled. It cannot be doubted [...] the salutary maxims contained in these [...]nacs
must have made a favourable impre [...] upon many of the readers of them.
It was not long before Franklin enter [...] upon his political career. In the year
[...] he was appointed clerk to the general assem [...] of Pennsylvania; and was
re-elected by [...]ceeding assemblies for several years, until [...] was chosen a
representative for the city [...] Philadelphia.
Bradford was possessed of some advantag [...] over Franklin, by being post-master,
there [...] having an opportunity of circulating his [...] per more extensively, and
thus rendering [...] better vehicle for advertisements, &c. Franklin, in his
turn, enjoyed these advantages, [...] b [...]ing appointed post-master of Philadelp
[...] in 1737. Bradford, while in office, had acted ungenerously towards Franklin,
preventi [...] as much as possible the circulation of his [...] per. He had now an
opportunity of retaliati [...] [...]ut his nobleness of soul prevented him
from making use of it.
The police of Philadelphia had early ap [...]inted watchmen, whose duty it was to
[...]ard the citizens against the midnight rob [...]r, and to give and immediate
alarm in case of fire. This duty is, perhaps, one of the most important that can be
committed to any [...] of men. The regulations, however, were [...]ot sufficiently
strict. Franklin saw the dan [...]ers arising from this cause, and suggested an
alteration, so as to oblige the guardians of [...]e night to be more watchful over
the lives [...]nd property of the citizens. The propriety of this was immediately
perceived, and a reform was affected.
There is nothing more dangerous to growing cities than fires. Other causes operate
[...]owly, and almost imperceptibly; but these in a moment render abortive the
labours of ages. On this account there should be, in all cities ample provisions to
prevent fires from spreading. Franklin early saw the necessity of these; and, about
the year 1738, formed the first fire company in this city. This example was soon
followed by others; and there are now numerous fire-companies in the city and
liberties. To these may be attributed in a great degree, the activity in
extinguishing fires, for which the citizens of Philadelphia are distinguished, and
the inconsiderable damage which this city has sustained from this cause.—Some time
after, Franklin suggested the plan of an association for insuring houses
from fire, which was adopted; and the association continues to [...] day. The
advantages experienced from it have been great.
From the first establishment of Pennsylvania, a spirit of dispute appears to have
prevailed amongst its inhabitants. During the life-time of William Penn, the
constitution had been three times altered. After this period, the history of
Pennsylvania is little els [...] than a recital of the quarrels between the
proprietaries, or their governors and the Assembly. The proprietaries contended for
the right of exempting their land from taxes; to which the Assembly would by no means
consent. This subject of dispute interfered in almost every question, and prevented
the most salutary laws from being enacted. This at times subjected the people to
great inconveniencies. In the year 1744, during a war between France and Great
Britain, some French and Indians had made inroads upon the frontier inhabitants of
the province, who were unprovided for such an attack. It became necessary that the
citizens should arm for their defence. Governor Thomas recommended to the Assembly,
who were then sitting, to pass a militia law. To this they would agree only upon
condition that he should give his assent to certain laws, which appeared to them
calculated to promote the interest o [...] the people. As he thought these laws would
be injurious to the proprietaries, he refused his assent to them; and the Assembly
broke up without passing a militia law. The situation of the province was
at this time truly alarming: exposed to the continual inroads of an enemy, and
destitute of every means of defence. At this crisis Franklin stepped forth and
proposed to a meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, a plan of a voluntary
association for the defence of the province. This was approved of, and signed by
twelve hundred persons immediately. Copies of it were circulated throughout the
province; and in a short time the number of signers amounted to ten thousand.
Franklin was chosen colonel of the Philadelphia regiment; but he did not think
proper to accept of the honour.
Pursuits of a different nature now occupied the greatest part of his attention for
some years. He engaged in a course of electrical experiments, with all the ardor and
thirst for discovery which characterized the philosophers of that day. Of all the
branches of experimental philosophy, electricity had been least explored. The
attractive power of amber is mentioned by Theophrastus and Pliny, and, from them, by
later naturalists. In the year 1600, Gilbert, an English physician, enlarged
considerably the catalogue of substances which have the property of attracting light
bodies. Boyle, Otto Guericke, a burgomaster of Magdeburg, celebrated as the inventor
of the air pump, Dr. Wall, and Sir Isaac Newton added some facts. Guericke first
observed the repulsive power of electricity, and the light and noise
produced by it. In 1709, Hawkesbec communicated some important observations and
experiments to the world. For several years electricity was entirely neglected, until
Mr. Gray applied himself to it, in 1728, with great assiduity. He, and his friend Mr.
Wheeler, made a great variety of experiments▪ in which they demonstrated, that
electricity may be communicated from one body to another, even without being in
contact. and in this way may be conducted to a great distance Mr. Gray afterwards
found, that, by suspending rods of iron by silk or hair lines, and bringing an
excited tube under them, sparks might be drawn, and a light perceived at the
extremities in the dark. M. Du Faye, intendant of the French king's gardens, made a
number of experiments, which added not a little to the science. He made the discovery
of two kinds of electricity, which he called vitreous and resinous; the former
produced by rubbing glass, the latter from excited sulphur, sealing-wax, &c. But
this idea he afterwards gave up as erroneous. Between the years 1739 and 1742,
Desaguliers made a number of experiments, but added little of importance. He first
used the terms conductors and electrics, perse. In 1742, several ingenious Germans
engaged in this subject. Of these the principal were, professor Boze of Wittemberg,
professor Winkler of Leipsic, Gordon, a Scotch Benedictine monk, professor of
philosophy at Erfurt, and Dr. Ludolf of Berlin. The result of their
researches astonished the philosophers of Europe. Their apparatus was large, and by
means of it they were enabled to collect large quantities of electricity, and thus
to produce phenomena which had been hitherto unobserved. They killed small birds, and
set spirits on fire. Their experiments excited the curiosity of other philosophers.
Collinson, about the year 1745, sent to the library company of Philadelphia an
account of these experiments, together with a tube, and directions how to use it.
Franklin, with some of his friends, immediately engaged in a course of experiments;
the result of which is well known. He was enabled to make a number of important
discoveries, and to propose theories to account for various phenomena; which have
been universally adopted, and which bid fair to endure for ages. His observations he
communicated, in a series of letters, to his friend Collinson; the first of which is
dated March 28, 1747. In these he makes known the power of points in drawing and
throwing off the electrical matter, which had hitherto escaped the notice of
electricians. He also made the grand discovery of a plus and minus, or of a positive
and negative state of electricity. We give him the honour of this, without
hesitation; although the English have claimed it for their countryman Dr. Watson.
Watson's paper is dated January 21, 1748; Franklin's July 11, 1747 several months
prior. Shortly after, Franklin, from his principles of plus and minus
state, explained, in a satisfactory manner, the phenomena of the Leyden phial,
first observed by professor Muschenbroeck of Leyden, which had much perplexed
philosophers. He shewed clearly that the bottle, when charged, contained no more
electricity than before, but that as much was taken from the one side as was thrown
on the other; and that, to discharg it, nothing was necessary but to make a
communication between the two sides, by which the equilibrium might be restored, and
that then no signs of electricity would remain. He afterwards demonstrated, by
experiments, that the electricity did not reside in the coating, as had been
supposed, but in the pore [...] of the glass itself. After a phial was charged, he
removed the coating, and found that upon applying a new coating the shock might still
be received. In the year 1749, he first suggested his idea of explaining the
phenomena of thunder-gusts, and of the aurora bor [...]alis, upon electrical
principles. He points out many particulars in which lightning and electricity agree;
and he adduces many facts, and reasoning from facts, in support of his positions. In
the same year he conceived the astonishingly bold and grand idea of ascertaining the
truth of his doctrine, by actually drawing down the forked lightning, by means of
sharp-pointed iron rods raised into the region of the clouds. Even in this uncertain
state, his passion to be useful to mankind displays itself in a powerful
manner. Admitting the identity of electricity and lightning, and knowing the power of
points in repelling bodies charged with electricity, and in conducting their fire
silently and imperceptibly, he suggests the idea of securing houses, ships, &c.
from being damaged by lightning, by erecting the pointed iron rods, which should
rise some feet above the most elevated part, and descend some feet into the ground or
the water. The effect of these, he concluded, would be either to prevent a stroke by
repelling the cloud beyond the striking distance, or by drawing off the electrical
fire which it contained; or, if they could not effect this, they would at least
conduct the stroke to the earth, without any injury to the building.
It was not until the summer of 1752, that he was enabled to complete his grand and
unparralleled discovery by experiment. The plan which he had origionally proposed,
was to erect on some high tower, or other elevated place, a centry box, from which
should rise a pointed iron rod, insulated by being fixed in a cake of resin.
Electrified clouds passing over this, would, he conceived, impart to it a portion of
their electricity, which would be rendered evident to the senses by sparks being
emitted, when a key, a knuckle or other conductor, was presented to it. Philadelphia
at this time afforded no opportunity of trying an experiment of this kind. Whilst
Franklin was waiting for the erection of a spire, it occurred to him, that
he might have more ready access to the region of clouds by means of a common kite. He
prepared one by [...] taching two cross sticks to a silk handkerchief, which would
not suffer so much from the rain as paper. To his upright stick was a [...] fixed an
iron point. The string was, as usua [...], of hemp, excepting the lower end which was
silk. Where the hempen string terminated, a key was fastened. With this apparatus, on
the appearance of a thunder-gust approaching he went out into the commons,
accompanied by his son, to whom alone he communicated his intentions, well knowing
the ridicule which, too generally for the interest of science, waits unsuccessful
experiments in philosophy. He placed himself under a shed to avoid the rain. His
kite was raised. A thunder-cloud passed over it. No sign of electricity appeared.
He almost despaired of success; when suddenly he observed the loose fibres of his
string to move towards an erect position. He now presented his knuckle to the key,
and received a strong spark. How exquisite must his sensations have been at this
moment! On this experiment depended the fate of his theory. If he succeeded, his name
would rank high among those who have improved science; if he failed, he must be
inevitably subjected to the derision of mankind, or, what is worse, their pity, as a
well-meaning man, but a weak silly projector. The anxiety with which he looked for
the result this experiment, may easily be conceived. [...]oubts and despair
had begun to prevail, [...]hen the fact was ascertained in so clear a [...]anner,
that even the most incredulous could a longer withhold their assent. Repeated
[...]arks were drawn from the key: a phial was [...]arged, a shock given, and all the
experiments made, which are usually performed with electricity.
About a month before this period, some [...]genious Frenchmen had completed the
discovery, in the manner originally proposed [...] Dr. Franklin. The letters which he
sent [...] Mr. Collinson, it is said, were refused a [...]ace amongst the papers of
the Royal Soci [...]ty of London. However this may be, Collinson published them in
a sperate volume, under the title of New Experiments and Observations on
Electricity, made at Philadelphia in America. They were read with avidity, and
[...]on translated into different languages. A [...]ry incorrect French translation
fell into the [...]nds of the celebrated Buffon, who, notwith [...]anding the
disadvantages under which the [...]ork laboured, was much pleased with it, and
repeated the experiments with success. He prevailed upon his friend, M. D' Alibard
[...] give his countrymen a more correct translation of the work of the American
electrician. This contributed towards spreading a knowledge of Franklin's priciples
in France. The King, Louis XV. hearing of these experiments, [...]pressed a wish to
be a spectator of them. A course of experiments was given at the seat of
the Duc D' Ayen, at St. Germain by M. De Lor. The applauses which the King bestowed
upon Franklin, excited in Buffon, D' Alibard, and De Lor, an earnest desire of
ascertaining the truth of his theory of thunder-gusts. Buffon erected his apparatus
on the tower of Montbar, M. D' Alibard at Mary-la-ville, and De Lor at his house in
the Estrapade at Paris, some of the highest ground in that capital. D' Alibard's
machine first shewed signs of electricity. On the 10th of May, 1752, a thunder-cloud
passed over it, in the absence of M. D' Alibard; and a number of sparks were drawn
from it by Coiffier, a joiner, with whom D' Alibard had left directions how to
proceed, and by M. Roulet, the prior of Mary la-ville. An account of this experiment
given to the Royal Academy of Sciences, in a memoir by M. D' Alibard, dated May
13th, 1752. On the 18 of May, M. De Lor proved equally successful with the apparatus
erected at his own house. These discoveries soon excited the philosophers of other
parts of Europe to repeat the experiment. Amongst these, none signalized themselves
more than Father Beccaria of Turin, to whose observations science is much indebted.
Even the cold regions of Russia were penetrated by the ardor for discovery. Professor
Richman bade fair to add much to the stock of knowledge on this subject, when an
unfortunate flash from his rod put a period to his existence. The friends
of science will long remember with regret the amiable martyr to electricity.
By these experiments Franklin's theory was established in the most firm manner. When
the thruth of it could no longer be doubted, the vanity of men endeavoured to
detract from its merit. That an American, an inhabitant of the obscurecity of
Philadelphia, the name of which was hardly known, should be able to make discoveries,
and to frame theories, which had escaped the notice of the enlightened philosophers
of Europe was too mortifying to be admitted. He must certainly have taken the idea
from sombody else. An American, a being of an inferior order, make discoveries!
Impossible. It was said, that the Abbe Nollet, in 1748, had suggested the idea of the
similarity of lightning and electricity, in his Legons de Physique. It is true, that
the Abbe mentions the idea, but he throws it out as a bare conjecture, and proposes
no mode of [...]certaining the truth of it. He himself acknowledges, that Franklin
first entertained the bold thought of bringing lightning from the heavens, by means
of pointed rods fixed in the air. The similarity of electricity and lightning is so
strong, that we need not be surprised at notice being taken of it, as soon as
electrical phenomina became familiar. We find it mentioned by Dr. Wall and Mr. Grey,
while the science was in its infancy. But the honour of forming a regular theory of
thunder-gusts, of suggesting a mode of determining the truth of it by
experiments, and [...] putting these experiments in practice, a [...] thus
establishing his theory upon a firm a [...] solid basis, is incontestibly due to
Franklin. D' Alibard, who made the experiments in France, says, that he only followed
the track which Franklin had pointed out.
It has been of late asserted, that the honor of completing the experiment with the
electrical kite, does not belong to Franklin. Some late English paragraphs
attributed it to some Frenchman, whose name they do not mention; and the Abbe
Bertholon gives it to M. De Romas, assessor to the presideal of Nerac; the English
paragraphs probably refer to the same person. But a very slight attention will
convince us of the injustice of this procedure: Dr. Franklin's experiment was made
in June 1752; and his letter, giving an account of it, is dated October 19, 1752, M.
De Romas made his first attempt on the 14th of May 1753, but was not successful until
the 7th of June; a year after Franklin had completed the discovery, and when it was
known to all the philosophers in Europe.
Besides these great principles, Franklin's letters on electricity contain a number of
facts and hints, which have contributed greatly towards reducing this branch of
knowlege to a science. His friend, Mr. Kinnersly, communicated to him a discovery of
the different kinds of electricity executed by rubbing glass and sulphur. This, we
have said, was first obser [...]d by M. Du Faye; but it was for many years
[...]glected. The philosophers were disposed [...] account for the phenomena, rather
from a difference in the quantity of electricity collec [...]ed; and even Du Faye
himself seems at last [...]o have adopted this doctrine. Franklin at [...]irst
entertained the same idea; but upon re [...]eating the experiments, he perceived
that Mr. Kinnersley was right; and that the vitre [...]us and resmous electricity of
Du Faye were nothing more than the positive and negative states which he had before
observed; that the glass globe charged positively, or increased the quantity of
electricity on the prime conductor, whilst the globe of sulphur diminishes its
natural quantity, or charged negatively. These experiments and observations opened
a new field for investigation, upon which electricians entered with avidity; and
their labours have added much to the stock of our knowledge.
In September, 1752, Franklin entered upon a course of experiments, to determine the
state of electricity in the clouds. From a number of experiments he formed this
conclusion: "that the clouds of a thunder-gust are most commonly in a negative state
of electricity, but sometimes in a positive state;" and from this it follows, as a
necessary consequence, "that, for the most part, in thunder-strokes, it is the earth
that strikes into the clouds, and not the clouds that strike into the earth." The
letter containing these observations, is dated in September, 1753; and yet the
discovery of ascending thunder has been said to be of a modern date, and
has been attributed to the Abbe Bertholon, who published his memoirs on the subject
in 1776.
Franklin's letters have been translated into most of the European languages, and into
Latin. In proportion as they have become known, his principles have been adopted.
Some opposition was made to his theories, particularly by the Abbe Nollet, who was,
however, but feebly supported, whilst the first philosophers of Europe stepped forth
in defence of Franklin's principles; amongst whom D' Alibard and Beccaria were the
most distinguished. The opposition has gradually ceased, and the Franklinian system
is now universally adopted, where science flourishes.
The important practical use which Franklin made of his discoveries, the securing of
houses from injury by lightning, has been already mentioned. Pointed conductors are
now very common in America; but prejudice has hitherto prevented their general
introduction into Europe, notwithstanding the most undoubted proofs of their utility
have been given. But mankind can with difficulty be brought to lay aside established
practices, or to adopt new ones. And perhaps we have more reason to be surprised that
a practice, however rational, which was proposed about forty years ago, should in
that time have been adopted in so many places, than that it has not universally
prevailed. It is only by degrees that the great body of mankind can be led into knew
practices, however salutary their tendency. It is now nearly eighty years
since inoculation was introduced into Europe and America; and it is so far from being
general at present, that it will, perhaps, require one or two centuries to render it
so.
In the year 1745, Franklin published an account of his new invented Pennsylvania
fire-place, in which he minutely and accurately states the advantages and
disadvantages of different kinds of fire-places; and endeavours to shew that the one
which he describes is to be preferred to any other. This contrivance has given rise
to the open stoves now in general use, which however differ from it in
construction, particularly in not having an airbox at the back, through which a
constant supply of air, warmed in its passage, is thrown into the room. The
advantages of this are, that as a stream of warm air is continually flowing into the
room, less fuel is necessary to preserve a proper temperature, and the room may be so
tightened as that no air may enter through cracks; the consequences of which are
colds, toothaches, &c.
Although philosophy was a principal object of Franklin's pursuit for several years,
he confined himself not to this. In the year 1747, he became a member of the general
assembly of Pennsylvania, as a burgess for the city of Philadelphia. Warm disputes at
this time subsisted between the assembly and the proprietaries; each contending for
what they conceived to be their just rights. Franklin, a friend to the
rights of man from his infancy, soon distinguished himself as a steady opponent of
the unjust schemes of the proprietaries. He was soon looked up to as the head of the
opposition; and to him have been attributed many of the spirited replies of the
assembly, to the messages of the governors. His influence in the body was very
great. This arose not from any superior powers of eloquence; he spoke but seldom, and
he never was known to make any thing like an elaborate harangue. His speeches often
consisted of a single sentence, or of a well told story, the moral of which was
always obviously to the point. He never attempted the flowery fields of oratory. His
manner was plain and mild. His style in speaking was, like that of his writings,
remarkably concise. With this plain manner, and his penetrating and solid judgment,
he was able to confound the most eloquent and subtle of his adversaries, to confirm
the opinions of his friends, and to make converts of the unprejudiced, who had
opposed him. With a single observation, he has rendered of no avail, an elegant and
lengthy discourse, and determined the fate of a question of importance.
But he was not contented with thus supporting the rights of the people. He wished to
render them permanently secure, which can only be done by making their value
properly known; and this must depend upon increasing and extending information to
every class of men. We have already seen that he was the founder of the
public library, which contributed greatly towards improving the minds of the
citizens. But this was not sufficient. The schools then subsisting were in general
of little utility. The teachers were men, ill qualified for the important duty which
they had undertaken; and, after all, nothing more could be obtained than the
rudiments of a common English education. Franklin drew up a plan of an academy, to be
erected in the city of Philadelphia, suited to "the state of an infant country;" but
in this, as in all his plans, he confined not his [...]ews to the present time only.
He looked forward to the period when an institution on [...]n enlarged plan would
become necessary. With this view he considered his academy as "a foundation for
posterity to erect a seminary of learning, more extensive, and suitable to future
circumstances." In pursuance of this plan, the constitutions were drawn up and signed
on the 13th of November 1749. in these, twenty-four of the most respectable citizens
of Philadelphia were named as trustees. In the choice of these, and in the
formation of his plan, Franklin is said to have consulted chiefly with Thomas
Hopkinson, Esq Rev. Richard Peters, then secretary of the province, Tench Francis,
Esq attorney-general, and Dr. Phineas Bond.
The following article shews a spirit of benevolence worthy of imitation; and, for
the honour of our city, we hope that it continues to be in force.
"In case of the inability of the rector, or any master, (established on the
foundation by receiving a certain salary) through sickness, or any other natural
infirmity, whereby he may be reduced to poverty, the trustees shall have power to
contribute to his support, in proportion to his distress and merit, and the stock in
their hands."
The last clause of the fundamental rules is expressed in language so tender and
benevolent, so truly parental, that it will do everlasting honour to the hearts and
heads of the founders.
"It is hoped and expected that the trustees will make it their pleasure, and in some
degree their business, to visit the academy often; to encourage and countenance the
youth, countenance and assist the masters, and by all means in their power advance
the usefulness and reputation of the design; that they will look on the students as,
in some measure, their own children, treat them with familiarity and affection; and
when they have behaved well, gone through their studies, and are to enter the world,
they shall zealously unite, and make all the interest that can be made, to promote
and establish them, whether in business, offices, marriages, or any other thing for
their advantage, preferable to all other persons whatsoever, even of equal
merit."
The constitutions being signed and made public, with the names of the
gentlemen proposing themselves as trustees and founders, the design was so well
approved of by the public-spirited citizens of Philadelphia, that the sum of eight
hundred pounds per annum, for five years, was in the course of a few weeks subscribed
for carrying the plan into execution; and in the beginning of January following
(viz. 1750) three of the schools were opened, namely, the Latin and Greek schools.
The Mathematical, and the English schools. In pursuance of an article in the original
plan, a school for educating sixty boys and thirty girls (in the charter since called
the Charitable School) was opened, and amidst all the difficulties with which the
trustees have struggled in respect to their funds, has still been continued full for
the space of forty years; so that allowing three years education for each boy and
girl admitted into it, which is the general rule, at least twelve hundred children
have received in it the chief part of their education, who might otherwise, in a
great measure, have been left without the means of instruction. And many of those who
have been thus educated, are now to be found among the most useful and reputable
citizens of this state.
The institution, thus successfully begun, continued daily to flourish, to the great
satisfaction of Dr. Franklin; who, notwithstanding the multiplicity of his other
engagements and pursuits, at that busy stage of his life, was a constant
attendant at the monthly visitations and examinations of the schools, and made it his
particular study, by means of his extensive correspondence abroad, to advance the
reputation of the seminary, and to draw students and scholars to it from different
parts of America and the West-Indies. Through the interposition of his benevolent
and learned friend, Peter Collinson of London, upon the application of the trustees,
a charter of incorporation, dated July 13, 1753, was obtained from the honourable
proprietors of Pennylvania, Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, Esqrs accompanied with a
liberal benefaction of five hundred pounds sterling; and Dr. Franklin now began in
good earnest to please himself with the ho [...]es of a speedy accomplishment of his
original design, viz. the establishment of a perfect institution, upon the plan of
the European colleges and universities; for which his academy was intended as a nurs
[...]ry or foundation. To elucidate this fact, is a matter of considerable
importance in respect to the memory and character of Dr. Franklin, as a philosopher,
and as the friend and patron of learning and science; for, notwithstanding what is
expressly declared by him in the preamble to the constitutions, viz. that the
academy was begun for "teaching the Latin and Greek languages with all useful
branches of the arts and sciences, suitable to the state of an infant
country, and laying a foundation for posterity to erect a seminary of learning more
extensive, and suitable to their future circumstances;" yet it has been suggested of
late, as upon Dr. Franklin's authority, that the Latin and Greek, or the dead
languages, are an incumbrance upon a scheme of liberal education, and that the
engrafting or founding a college, or more extensive seminary, upon his academy, was
without his approbation or agency, and gave him discontent. If the reverse of this
does not al [...]ady appear, from what has been quoted above, the following letters
will put the matter beyond dispute. They were written by him to a gentleman, who had
at that time published the idea of a college, suited to the circumstances of a young
country, (meaning New-York) a copy of which having been sent to Dr. Franklin for his
opinion, gave use to that correspondence which terminated about a year afterwards, in
erecting the college upon the foundation of the academy, and establishing that
gentleman as the head of both, where he still continues, after a period of thirty-six
years, to preside with distinguished reputation.
From these letters also, the state of the academy, at that time, will be seen.
Philad. April 19, 1753.
Sir,
I received your favour of the 11th instant, with your new * piece on Education which
shall carefully peruse, and give you my sentiments of it, as your desire, by next
post.
I believe the young gentlemen, your pupils, may be entertained and instructed here,
in mathematics and philosophy, to satisfaction. Mr. Alison † (who was educated at
Glasgow) has been long accustomed to teach the latter, and Mr. Grew † the former; and
I think their pupils make great progress. Mr. Alison has the care of the Latin and
Greek school, but as he has now three good assistants, § he can very well afford
some hours every day for the instruction of those who are engaged in higher studies.
The mathematical school is pretty well furnished with instruments. The English
library is a good one; and we have belonging to it a middling apparatus for
experimental philosophy, and purpose speedily to complete it. The Loganian library,
one of the best collections in America, will shortly be opened; so that neither books
nor instruments will be wanting; and as we are determined always to give
good salaries, we have reason to believe we may have always an opportunity of
choosing good masters; upon which, indeed, the success of the whole depends. We are
obliged to you for your kind offers in this respect, and when you are settled in
England, we may occasionally make use of your friendship and judgment,—
If it suits your conveniency to visit Philadelphia before you return to Europe, I
shall be extremely glad to see and converse with you here, as well as to correspond
with you after your settlement in England; for an acquaintance and communication
with men of learning, virtue, and public spirit, is one of my greatest
enjoyments.
I do not know whether you ever happened to see the first proposals I made for
erecting this academy. I send them inclosed. They had, (however imperfect) the
desired success, being followed by a subscription of four thousand pounds, towards
carrying them into execution. And as we are fond of receiving advice, and are daily
improving by experience, I am in hopes we shall, in a few years, see a perfect
institution.
I am very respectfully, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
Mr. W. Smith, Long-Island.
* A general idea of the college of Marania. ↵
† The Rev. and learned Mr. Francis Alison, afterwards D. D. and vice-provost of the
college. ↵
† Mr. Theophilus Grew, afterwards professor of mathematics in the college. ↵
§ Those assistants were at that time Mr. Charles Thomsom, late secretary of congress,
Mr. Paul Jackson, and Mr. Jacob Duche. ↵
Philad. May 3d, 1753.
Sir,
Mr. Peters has just now been with me, and we have compared notes on your new piece.
We find nothing in the scheme of education, however excellent, but what is, in our
opinion, very practicable. The great difficulty will be to find the Aratus, * and
other suitable persons, to carry it into execution; but such may be had if proper
encouragement be given. We have both received great pleasure in the perusal of it.
For my part, I know not when I have read a piece that has more affected me—so noble
and just are the sentiments, so warm and animated the language; yet as censure from
your friends may be of more use, as well as more agreeable to you than praise, I
ought to mention, that I wish you had omitted not only the quotation from the Review,
† which you are now justly dissatisfied with, but those expressions of resentment
against your adversaries, in pages 65 and 79. In such cases, the noblest
victory is obtained by neglect, and by shining on.
Mr. Allen has been out of town these ten days; but before he went he directed me to
procure him six copies of your piece. Mr. Peters has taken ten. He purposed to have
written to you; but omits it, as he expects so soon to have the pleasure of seeing
you here. He desires me to present his affectionate compliments to you, and to
assure you that you will be very welcome to him. I shall only say, that you may
depend on my doing all in my power to make your visit to Philadelphia agreeable to
you
I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
Mr. Smith.
* The name given to the principal or head of the ideal college, the system of
education in which hath nevertheless been nearly realized, or followed as a model, in
the college and academy of Philadelphia, and some other American seminaries, for many
years past. ↵
† The quotation alluded to (from the London Monthly Review for 1749) was judged to
reflect too severely on the discipline and government of the English universities of
Oxford and Cambridge, and was expunged from the following editions of this work.
↵
Philad. Nov. 27th, 1753.
Dear Sir,
Having written you fully, via Bristol, I have now little to add. Matters relating to
the academy remain in statu quo. The trustees would be glad to see a rector
established there, but they dread entering into new engagements till they are got
out of debt; and I have not yet got them wholly over to my opinion, that a good
professor, or teacher of he higher branches of learning would draw so many scholars
as to pay great part, if not the whole of his salary. Thus, unless the proprietors
(of the province) shall think sit to put the finishing hand to our institution, it
must, I fear, wait some few years longer before it can arrive at that
state of perfection, which to me it seems now capable of; and all the pleasure I
promised myself in seeing you settled among us, vanishes into smoke.
But good Mr. Collinson writes me word, that no endeavours of his shall be wanting;
and he hopes, with the archbishop's assistance, to be able to prevail with our
proprietors. * I pray God grant them success.
My son presents his affectionate regards, with, Dear Sir,
Yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
P. S, I have not been favoured with a line from you since your arrival in
England.
* Upon the application of archbishop Herring and P. Collinson, esq at Dr. Franklin's
request, (aided by the letters of Mr. Allen and Mr. Peters) the Hon. Thomas Penn,
esq subscribed an annual sum, and afterwards gave at least 5000l. to the founding or
engrafting the college upon the academy. ↵
Philad. April 18th, 1754.
Dear Sir,
I have had but one letter from you since your arrival in England, which was a short
one, via Boston, dated October 18th, acquainting me that you had written largely by
Capt. Davis.—Davis was lost, and with him your letters, to my great disappointment
Mesnard and Gibbon have since arrived here, and I hear nothing from you—My comfort
is, an imagination that you only omit writing because you are coming, and
purpose to tell me every thing viva voce. So not knowing whether this letter will
reach you, and hoping either to see or hear from you by the Myrtilla, Capt. Buddon's
ship, which is daily expected, I only [...]dd, that I am, with great esteem and
affection.
Yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
Mr. Smith.
About a month after the date of this last letter, the gentleman to whom it was
addressed arrived in Philadelphia, and was immediately placed at the head of the
seminary; whereby Dr. Franklin, and the other trustees were enabled to prosecute
their plan, for perfecting the institution, and opening the college upon the large
and liberal foundation on which it now stands; for which purpose they obtained their
additional charter, dated May 27th, 1755.
Thus far we thought proper to exhibit in one view Dr. Franklin's services in the
foundation and establishment of this seminary. He soon afterward embarked for
England, in the public service of his country; and having been generally employed
abroad, in the like service, for the greatest part of the remainder of his life (as
will appear in our subsequent account of the same) he had but few opportunities of
taking any further active part in the affairs of the seminary, until his [Page
152]final return in the year 1785, when he found its charters violated, and his
ancient colleagues, the original founders, deprived of their trust, by an act of the
legislature; and although his own name had been inserted among the new trustees, yet
he declined to take his seat among them, or any concern in the management of their
affairs, till the institution was restored by law to its original owners. He then
assembled his old colleagues at his own house, and being chosen their president, all
their future meetings were, at his request, held there, till within a few months of
his death, when with reluctance, and at their desire, least he might be too much
injured by his attention to their business, he suffered them to meet at the
college.
Franklin not only gave birth to many useful institutions himself, but he was also
instrumental in promoting those which had originated with other men. About the year
1752, an eminent physician of this city, Dr. Bond, considering the deplorable state
of the poor, when visited with disease, conceived the idea of establishing an
hospital. Notwithstanding very great exertions on his part, he was able to interest
few people so far in his benevolent plan, as to obtain subscriptions from them.
Unwilling that his scheme should prove abortive, he sought the aid of Franklin, who
readily engaged in the business, both by using his influence with his friends, and by
stating the advantageous influence of the proposed institution in his
paper. These efforts were attended with success. Considerable sums were subscribed;
but they were still short of what was necessary. Franklin now made another exertion.
He applied to the assembly; and, after some opposition, obtained leave to bring in a
bill, specifying, that as soon as two thousand pounds were subscribed, the same sum
should be drawn from the treasury by the speaker's warrant, to be applied to the
purposes of the institution. The opposition, as the sum was granted upon a
contingency which they supposed would never take place, were silent, and the bill
passed. The friends of the plan now redoubled their efforts, to obtain subscriptions
to the amount stated in the bill, and were soon successful. This was the foundation
of the Pennsylvania Hospital, which, with the Bettering-house and Dispensary, bears
ample testimony of the humanity of the citizens of Philadelphia.
Dr. Franklin had conducted himself so well in the office of post-master, and had
shown himself to be so well acquainted with the business of that department, that it
was thought expedient to raise him to a more dignified station. In 1753 he was
appointed deputy post-master-general for the British colonies. The profits arising
from the postage of the revenue, which the crown of Great Britain derived from the
colonies. In the hands of Franklin, it is said, that the postoffice in America
yielded annually thrice as much as that of Ireland.
The American colonies were much exposed to depredations on their
frontiers, by the Indians; and more particularly whenever a war took place between
France and England. The colonies, individually, were either too weak to take
efficient measures for their own defence, or they were unwilling to take upon
themselves the whole burden of erecting forts and maintaining garrisons, whilst their
neighbours, who partook equally with themselves, of the advantages, contributed
nothing to the expence. Sometimes also the disputes, which subsisted in between the
governors and assemblies, prevented the adoption of means of defence; as we have seen
was the case in Pennsylvania in 1745. To devise a plan of union between the colonies,
to regulate this and other matters, appeared a desirable object. To accomplish this,
in the year 1754, commissioners from New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, met at Albany. Dr. Franklin attended here,
as a commissioner from Pennsylvania, and produced a plan, which, from the place of
meeting, has been usually termed "The Albany Plan of Union." This proposed, that
application should be made for an act of parliament, to establish in the colonies a
general government, to be administered by a president-general, appointed by the
crown, and by a grand council, consisting of members chosen by the representatives
of the different colonies; their number to be in direct proportion to the
sums paid by each colony into the general treasury, with this restriction, that no
colony should have more than seven, nor less than two representatives. The whole
executive authority was committed to the president-general. The power of legislation
was lodged in the grand council and president-general jointly; his consent being made
necessary to [...]assing a bill into a law. The power vested in the president and
council were, to declare war and peace, and to conclude treaties with the Indian
nations; to regulate trade with, and to make purchases of vacant lands from them,
either in the name of the crown, or of the union; to settle new colonies, to make
laws for governing these until they [...]ould be erected into separate governments,
and to raise troops, build forts, fit out armed vessels and use other means for the
general defence; and to affect these things, a power was given to make laws, laying
such duties, imposts, or taxes, as they should find ne [...]ssary, and as would be
least burthensome to the people. All laws were to be sent to England for the king's
approbation; and unless disapproved of within three years, were [...] remain in
force. All officers in the land [...] sea service were to be nominated by the
resident-general, and approved of by the general council; civil officers were to be
nominated by the council, and approved by the resident. Such are the out-lines of
the plan proposed, for the consideration of the congress, by Dr. Franklin.
After several days discussion, it was unanimously agreed to by the commissioners, a
copy transmitted [...] each assembly, and one to the king's council. The fate of it
was singular. It was disapproved of by the ministry of Great-Britain, because it gave
too much power to the representatives of the people; and it was rejected by every
assembly, as giving to the president-general, the representative of the crown, an
influence greater than appeared to them proper, in a plan of government intended for
freemen. Perhaps this rejection, on both sides, is the strongest proof that could be
adduced of the excellence of it, as suited to the situation of America and
Great-Britain at that time. It appears to have steered exactly in the middle, between
the opposite interests of both.
Whether the adoption of this plan would have prevented the separation of America from
Great-Britain, is a question which might afford much room for speculation. It may be
said, that, by enabling the colonies to defend themselves, it would have removed the
pretext upon which the stamp-act, tea-act, and other acts of the British parliament,
were passed: which excited a spirit of opposition, and laid the foundation for the
separation of the two countries. But, on the other hand, it must be admitted, that
the restriction laid by Great-Britain upon our commerce, obliging us to sell our
produce to her citizens only, and to take from them various articles, of
which, as our manufactures were discouraged, we stood in need, at a price greater
than that for which they could have been obtained from other nations, must
inevitably produce dissatisfaction, even though no duties were imposed by the
parliament; a circumstance which might still have taken place. Besides, as the
president-general was to be appointed by the crown, he must, of necessity, be devoted
to its views, and would, therefore, refuse his assent to any laws, however salutary
to the community, which had the most remote tendency to injure the interests of his
sovereign. Even should they receive his assent, the approbation of the king was to
be necessary; who would indubitably, in every instance, prefer the advantage of his
home dominions to that of his colonies. Hence would ensue perpetual disagreements
between the council and the president-general, and thus, between the people of
America and the crown of Great Britain: While the colonies continued weak, they would
be obliged to submit, and as soon as they acquired strength they would be more
urgent in their demands, until, at length, they would shake off the yoke, and declare
themselves independent.
Whilst the French were in possession of Canada, their trade with the natives ex
[...]ended very far; even to the back of the British settlements. They were
disposed, from time to time, to establish posts within the territory, which
the British claimed as their own. Independent of the injury to the fur-trade, which
was considerable, the colonies suffered this further inconvenience, that the Indians
were frequently instigated to commit depredations on their frontiers. In the year
1753, encroachments were made upon the boundaries of Virginia. Remonstrances had no
effect. In the ensuing year, a body of men was sent out under the command of Mr.
Washington, who, though a very young man, had, by his conduct in the preceding year,
shewn himself worthy of such an important trust. Whilst marching to take possession
of the post at the junction of the Allegany and Monongahela, he was informed that
the French had already erected a fort there. A detachment of their men marched
against him. He fortified himself as strongly as time and circumstances would admit.
A superiority of numbers soon obliged him to surrender Fort Necessity. He obtained
honourable terms for himself and men, and returned to Virginia. The government of
Great-Britain now thought it necessary to interfere. In the year 1755, General
Braddock, with some regiments of regular troops, and provincial levies, was sent to
dispossess the French of the posts upon which they had seized. After the men were all
ready, a difficulty occurred, which had nearly prevented the expedition. This was
the want of waggons. Franklin now stepped forward, and with the assistance
of his son, in a little time procured a hundred and fifty. Braddock unfortunately
fell into an ambuscade, and perished, with a number of his men. Washington, who had
accompanied him as an aid-de-camp, and had warned him, in vain, of his danger, now
displayed great military talents in effecting a retreat of the remains of the army,
and in forming a junction with the rear, under coloned Dunbar, upon whom the cheif
command now devolved. With some difficulty they brought their little body to a place
of safety; but they found it necessary to destroy their waggons and baggage, to
prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. For the waggons which he had
furnished, Franklin had given bonds to a large amount. The owners declared their
intentions of obliging him to make a restitution of their property. Had they put
their threats in execution, ruin must inevitably have been the consequence. Governor
Shirley, finding that he had incurred these debts for the service of government,
made arrangements to have them discharged, and released Franklin from his
disagreeable situation.
The alarm spread through the colonies, after the defeat of Braddock, was very great.
Preparations to arm were every where made. In Pennsylvania, the prevalence of the
quaker interest prevented the adoption of any system of defence, which would compel
the citizens to bear arms. Franklin introduced into the assembly a bill for
organizing a militia, by which every man was allowed to take arms or not, as to him
should appear fit. The quakers, being thus left at liberty, suffered the bill to
pass; for although their principles would not suffer them to fight, they had no
objections to their neighbours fighting for them. In consequence of this act a very
respectable militia was formed. The sense of impending danger infused a military
spirit in all, whose religious tenets were not opposed to war. Franklin was appointed
colonel of a regiment in Philadelphia, which consisted of 1200 men.
The north-western frontier being invaded by the enemy, it became necessary to adopt
measures for its defence. Franklin was directed by the governor to take charge of
this business. A power of raising men, and of appointing officers to command them,
was vested in him. He soon levied a body of troops, with which he repaired to the
place at which their presence was necessary. Here he built a fort, and placed the
garrison in such a posture of defence, as would enable them to withstand the inroads,
to which the inhabitants had previously been exposed. He remained here for some
time, in order the more completely to discharge the trust committed to him. Some
business of importance rendered his presence necessary in the assembly, and he
returned to Philadelphia.
The defence of her colonies was a great expence to Great Britain. The most
effectual mode of lessening this war, was to put arms into the hands of the
inhabitants, and to teach them their use. But England wished not that the Americans
should become acquainted with their own strength. She was apprehensive, that, as
soon as this period arrived, they would no longer submit to that monopoly of their
trade, which to them was highly injurious, but extremely advantageous to the mother
country. In comparison with the profits of this, the expence of maintaining armies
and fleets to defend them was trifling. She sought to keep them dependent upon her
for protection, the best plan which could be devised for retaining them in peaceable
subjection, the least appearance of a military spirit was therefore to be guarded
against, and, although a war then raged, the act organizing a militia was
disapproved of by the ministry. The regiments which had been formed under it were
disbanded, and the defence of the province entrusted to regular troops.
The disputes between the proprietaries and the people continued in full force,
although a war was raging on the frontiers. Not even the sense of danger was
sufficient to reconcile, for ever so short a time, their jarring interests. The
assembly still insisted upon the justice of taxing the proprietary estates, but the
governors constantly refused to give their assent to this measure, without
which no bill could pass into a law. Enraged at the obstinacy, and what they
conceived to be unjust proceedings of their opponents, the assembly at length
determined to apply to the mother country for relief. A petition was addressed to the
king, in council, stating the inconveniencies under which the inhabitants laboured,
from the attention of the proprietaries to their private interests, to the neglect of
the general welfare of the community, and praying for redress. Franklin was
appointed to present this address, as agent for the province of Pennsylvania, and
departed from America in June 1757. In conformity to the instructions which he had
received from the legislature, he held a conference with the proprietaries, who
then resided, in England, and endeavoured to prevail upon them to give up the
long-contested point. Finding that they would hearken to no terms of accommodation,
he laid his petition before the council. During this time governor Denny assented to
a law imposing a tax, in which no discrimination was made in favour of the estates
of the Penn family. They, alarmed at this intelligence, and Frankin's exertions,
used their utmost exertions to prevent the royal sanction being given to this law,
which they represented as highly iniquitous, designed to throw the burthen, of
supporting government on them, and calculated to produce the most ruinous
consequences to them and their posterity. The cause was amply discussed
before the privy council. The Penns found here so [...] [...] nuous advocates; nor
were there wanting some who warmly espoused the side of the people. After some time
spent in debate, a proposal was made, that Franklin should solemnly engage, that the
assessment of the tax should be so made, as that the proprietary estates should pay
no more than a due proportion. This he agreed to perform, the Peen family withdrew
their opposition, and tranquility was thus once more restored to the province.
The mode in which this dispute was terminated is a striking proof of the high
opinion entertained of Franklin's integrity and honour, even by those who considered
him as inimical to their views. Nor was their confidence ill-founded. The assessment
was made upon the strictest principles of equity; and the proprietary estates bore
only a proportionable share of the expences of supporting government.
After the completion of this important business, Franklin remained at the court of
Great Britain, as agent for the province of Pennsylvania. The extensive knowledge
which he possessed of the situation of the colonies, and the regard which he always
manifested for their interests, occasioned his appointment to the same office by the
colonies of Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia. His conduct, in this situation, was
such as rendered him still more dear to his countryman.
He had now an oppertunity of indulging in the society of those friends,
whom his merits had procured him while at a distance. The regard which they had
entertained for him was rather increased by a personal acquaintance. The opposition
which had been made to his discoveries in philosophy gradually ceased, and the
rewards of literary merit were abundantly conferred upon him. The royal society of
London, which had at first refused his performances admission into its transactions,
now thought it an honour to rank him among its fellows. Other societies of Europe
were equally ambitious of calling him a member. The university of St. Andrew's, in
Scotland, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its example was followed
by the universities of Edinburgh and of Oxford. His correspondence was sought for by
the most eminent philosophers of Europe. His letters to these abound with true
scince, delivered in the most simple unadorned manner.
The province of Canada was at this time in the possession of the French, who had
originally settled it. The trade with the Indians, for which its situation was very
convenient, was exceedingly lucrative. The French traders here found a market for
their commodities, and received in return large quantities of rich furs, which they
disposed of at a high price in Europe. Whilst the possession of this country was
highly advantageous to France, it was a grievous inconvenience to the inhabitants
of the British colonies. The Indians were almost generally desirous to
cultivate the friendship of the French, by whom they were abundantly supplied with
arms and ammunition, Whenever a war happened, the Indians were ready to fall upon the
frontiers: and this they frequently did, even when Great Britain and and France were
at peace. From these considerations, it appeared to be the interest of Great Britain
to gain the possession of Canada. But the importance of such an acquisition was not
well understood in England. Franklin about this time published his Canada pamphlet,
in which he, in a very forcible manner, pointed out the advantages which would result
from the conquest of this province.
An expedition against it was planned, and the command given to General Wolfe. His
success is well known. At the treaty in 1762, France ceded Canada to Great Britain,
and by her cession of Louisiana, at the same time, relinquished all her possessions
on the continent of America.
Although Dr. Franklin was now principally occupied with political pursuits, he found
time for philosophical studies. He extended his electrical researches, and made a
variety of experiments, particularly an the tourmalin. The singular properties which
this stone possesses of being electrified on one side positively and on the other
negatively, by heat alone, without friction, had been but lately observed.
Some experiments on the cold produced by evaporation, made by Dr. Cullen,
had been communicated to Dr. Franklin by Professor Simpson of Glasgow. These he
repeated, and found, that, by the evaporation of ether in the exhausted receiver of
an air-pump, so great a degree of cold was produced in a summer's day, that water was
converted into ice. This discovery he applied to the solution of a number of
phenomena, particularly a singular fact, which philosophers had endeavoured in vain
to account for, viz. that the temperature of the human body, when in health, never
exceeds 96 degrees of Farenheit's thermometers, although the atmosphere which
surrounds it may be heated to a much greater degree. This he attributed to the
increased perspiration, and consequent evaporation, produced by the heat.
In a letter to Mr. Small of London, dated in May 1760, Dr. Franklin makes a number
observations, tending to shew that, in North America, north-east storms being in the
south-west parts. It appears, from actual observation, that a north-east storm,
which extended a considerable distance, commenced at Philadelphia nearly four hours
before it was felt at Boston. He endeavoured to account for this, by supposing that
from heat, some rarefaction takes place about the gulph of Mexico, that the air
further north being cooler rushes in, and is succeeded by the cooler and denser air
still further north, and thus a continued current is at length produced.
The tone produced by rubbing the brim of a drinking glass with a wet
finger had been generally known. A Mr. Puckeridge, and Irishman, by placing on a
table a number of glasses of different sizes, and tuning them by partly filling them
with water, endeavoured to form an instrument capable of playing tunes. He was
prevented by an untimely end, from bringing his invention to any degree of
perfection. After his death some improvements were made upon his plan. The sweetness
of the tones induced Dr. Franklin to make a variety of experiments; and he at length
formed that elegant instrument, which he has called the Armonica.
In the summer of 1762 he returned to America. On his passage he observed the
singular effect produced by the agitation of a vessel, containing oil floating on
water. The surface of the oil remains smooth and undisturbed, whilst the water is
agitated with the utmost commotion. No satisfactory explanation of this appearance
has, we believe, ever been given.
Dr. Franklin received the thanks of the assembly of Pennsylvania, "as well for the
faithful discharge of his duty to that province in particular, as for the many and
important services done to America in general, during his residence in Great
Britain." A compensation of 5000l. Pennsylvania currency, was also decreed him for
his services during six years.
During his absence he had been annually elected member of the assembly. On
his return to Pennsylvania he again took his seat in this body, and continued a
steady defender of the liberties of the people.
In December 1762, a circumstance which caused great alarm in the province took place.
A number of Indians had resided in the country at Lancaster, and conducted
themselves uniformly as friends to the white inhabitants. Repeated depredations on
the frontiers had exasperated the inhabitants to such a degree, that they determined
to revenge upon every Indian. A number of persons, to the amount of 120, principally
inhabitants of Donnegal and Peckstang or Paxton townships, in the county of York,
assembled; and, mounted on horseback, proceeded to the settlement of these harmless
and defenceless Indians, whose number had now reduced to about twenty. The Indians
received intelligence of the attack which was intended against them, but disbelieved
it. Considering the white people as their friends, they apprehended no danger from
them. When the party arrived at the Indian settlement, they found only some women and
children, and a few old men, the rest being absent at work. They murdered all whom
they found, and amongst others the chief Shahaes, who had been always distinguished
for his friendship to the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the
well-disposed part of the community.
The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who, by absence, had escaped
the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the jail, as a place of
security. The governor issued a proclamation expressing the strongest disapprobation
of the action, offering a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the deed;
and prohibiting all injuries to the peaceable Indians in future. But notwithstanding
this, a party of the same men shortly after marched to Lancaster, broke open the
jail, and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there for
security. Another proclamation was issued, but had no effect. A detachment marched
down to Philadelphia, for the express purpose of murdering some friendly Indians, who
had been removed to the city for safety. A number of the citizens armed in their
defence. The Quakers, whose principles are opposed to fighting, even in their
defence, were most active upon this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown. The
governor fled for safety to the house of Dr. Franklin, who, with some others,
advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had influence enough to
prevail upon them to relinquish their understanding, and return to their homes.
The disputes between the proprietaries and the assembly, which, for a time, had
subsided, were again revived. The proprietaries were dissatisfied with the
concessions made in favour of the people, and made great struggles to [Page
170]recover the privilege of exempting their estates from taxation, which they had
been induced to give up.
In 1763 the assembly passed a militia bill, to which the governor refused to give his
assent, unless the assembly would agree to certain amendments which he proposed.
These consisted in increasing the fines, and, in some cases, substituting death for
fines. He wished too that the officers should be appointed altogether by himself,
and not be nominated by the people, as the bill had proposed. These amendments the
assembly considered as inconsistent with the spirit of liberty. They would not adopt
them; the governor was obstinate, and the bill was lost.
These, and various other circumstances, increased the uneasiness which subsisted
between the proprietaries and the assembly, to such a degree, that, in 1764, a
petition to the king was agreed to by the house, proving an alteration from a
proprietary to a regal government. Great opposition was made to this measure, not
only in the house but in the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickenson, on the
subject, was published, with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken
to shew the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Mr. Galloway in
reply to Mr. Dickenson was published, accompained with a preface by Dr. Franklin; in
which he ably opposed the principles laid down in the preface to Mr. Dickenson's
speech. This application to the throne produced no effect. The proprietary
government was still continued.
At the election for a new assembly, in the fall of 1764, the friends of the
proprietaries made great exertions to exclude those of the adverse party, and
obtained a small majority in the city of Philadelphia. Franklin now lost his seat in
the house, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assembly, it
appeared that there was still a decided majority of Franklin's friends. He was
immediately appointed provincial agent to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made
a solemn protest against his appointment; which was refused admission upon the
minutes, as being unprecedented. It was, however, published in the papers, and
produced a spirited reply from him, just before his departure for England.
The desturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenville's stamp-act, and the opposition
made to it, are well known. Under the marquis of Rockingham's administration, it
appeared expedient to endeavour to calm the minds of the colonists; and the repeal of
the odious tax was contemplated. Amongst other means of collecting information on the
disposition of the people to submit to it, Dr. Franklin was called to the bar of the
house of commons. The examination which he here underwent was published, and contains
a striking proof of the extent and accuracy of his information, and the facility with
which he communicated his sentiments. He represented facts in so strong a
point of view, that the inexpediency of the act must have appeared clear to every
unprejudiced mind. The act, after some opposition, was repealed, about a year after
it was enacted, and before it had ever been carried into execution.
In the year 1766, he made a visit to Holland and Germany, and received the greatest
marks of attention from men of science. In his passage through Holland, he learned
from the watermen the effect which a diminution of the quantity of water in canals
has, in impeding the progress of boats. Upon his return to England, he was led to
make a number of experiments; all of which tended to confirm the observation. These,
with an explanation of the phenomenon, he communicated in a letter to his friend,
Sir John Pringle, which is contained in the volume of his philosophical pieces.
In the following year he travelled into France, where he met with a no less
favourable reception than he had experienced in Germany. He was introduced to a
number of literary characters, and to the king, Louis XV.
Several letters written by Hutchinson, Oliver, and others, to persons in eminent
stations in Great Britain, came into the hands of Dr. Franklin.
These contained the most violent invectives against the leading characters of the
state of Massachusetts, and strenuously advised the prosecution of vigorous
measures, to compel the people to obedience to the measures of the ministry. These he
transmitted to the legislature, by whom they were published. Attested copies of them
were sent to Great Britain, with an address, praying the king to discharge from
office persons who had rendered themselves so obnoxious to the people, and who had
shewn themselves so unfriendly to their interests. The publication of these letters
produced a duel between Mr. Whately and Mr. Temple; each of whom was suspected of
having been instrumental in procuring them. To prevent any further disputes on this
subject, Dr. Franklin, in one of the public papers, declared that he had sent them
to America, but would give no information concerning the manner in which he had
obtained them; nor was this ever discovered.
Shortly after, the petition of the Massachusetts assembly was taken up for
examination, before the privy council. Dr. Franklin attended, as agent for the
assembly; and here a torrent of the most violent and unwarranted abuse was poured
upon him by the solicitor-general, Wedderburne, who was engaged as council for
Oliver and Hutchinson. The petition was declared to be scandalous and vexatious, and
the prayer of it refused.
Although the parliament of Great Britain had repealed the stamp-act, it was only upon
the principle of expediency. They still insisted upon their right to tax
the colonies; and, at the same time that the stamp-act was repealed, an act was
passed, declaring the right of parliament to bind the colonies in all cases
whatsoever. This language was used even by the most strenuous opposers of the
stamp-act; and, amongst others, by Mr. Pitt. This right was never recognized by the
colonists; but, as they flattered themselves that it would not be exercised, they
were not very active in remonstrating against it. Had this pretended right been
suffered to remain dormant, the colonists would cheerfully have finished their quota
of supplies, in the mode to which they had been accustomed; that is, by acts of their
own assemblies, in consequence of requisitions from the secretary of state. If this
practice had been pursued, such was the disposition of the colonies towards the
mother country, that, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they laboured,
from restraints upon their trade, calculated solely for the benefit of the
commercial and manufacturing interests of Great Britain, a separation of the two
countries might have been a far distant event. The Americans, from their earliest
infancy, were taught to venerate a people from whom they were descended; whose
language, laws and manners, were the same as their own. They looked up to them as
models of perfection; and, in their prejudiced minds, the most enlightened nations of
Europe were considered as almost barbarians, in comparison with Englishmen.
The name of an Englishman conveyed to an American the idea of every thing good and
great. Such sentiments instilled into them in early life, what but a repetition of
unjust treatment could have induced them to entertain the most distant thought of
separation! The duties on glass, paper, leather, painter's colours, tea, &c. the
disfranchisement of some of the colonies: the obstruction to the measures of the
legislature in others, by the king's governors; the contemptuous treatment of their
humble remonstrances, stating their grievances and praying a redress of them, and
other violent and oppressive measures, at length excited an ardent spirit of
opposition. Instead of endeavouring to allay this by a more lenient conduct, the
ministry seemed resolutely bent upon reducing the colonies to the most slavish
obedience to their decrees. But this tended only to aggravate. Vain were all the
efforts made use of to prevail upon them to lay aside their designs, to convince them
of the impossibility of carrying them into effect, and of the mischievous
consequences which must insue from a continuance of the attempt. They persevered,
with a degree of inflexibility scarcely paralleled.
The advantages which Great Britain derived from her colonies were so great, that
nothing but a degree of infatuation, little short of madness, could have produced a
continuance of measures calculated to keep up a spirit of uneasiness,
which might occasion the slightest wish for a separation. When we consider the great
improvements in the science of government, the general diffusion of the principles of
liberty amongst the people of Europe, the effects they have already produced in
France, and the probable consequences which will result from them elsewhere, all of
which are the offspring of the American revolution, it cannot but appear strange,
that events of so great moment to the happiness of mankind, should have been
ultimately occasioned by the wickedness or ignorance of a British ministry.
Dr. Franklin left nothing untried to prevail upon the ministry to consent to a
change of measures. In private conversations, and in letters to persons in
government, he continually expatiated upon the impolicy and injustice of their
conduct towards America; and stated, that, notwithstanding the attachment of the
colonists to the mother country, a repetition of ill treatment must ultimately
alienate their affections. They listened not to his advice. They blindly persevered
in their own schemes, and left to the colonists no alternative, but opposition or
unconditional submission. The latter accorded not with the principles of freedom,
which they had been taught to revere. To the former they were compelled, though
reluctantly, to have recourse.
Dr. Franklin, finding all efforts to restore harmony between Great Britain
and her colonies useless, returned to America in the year 1775; just after the
commencement of hostilities. The day after his return he was elected by the
legislature of Pennsylvania a member of congress. Not long after his election a
committee was appointed, consisting of Mr. Lynch, Mr. Harrison, and himself, to visit
the camp at Cambridge, and in conjunction with the commander in chief, to endeavour
to convince the troops, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, of the
necessity of their continuing in the field, and persevering in the cause of their
country.
In the fall of the same year he visited Canada, to endeavour to unite them in the
common cause of liberty; but they could not be prevailed upon to oppose the measures
of the British government. M. Le Roy, in a letter annexed to Abbe Fauchet's eulogium
of Dr. Franklin, states that the ill success of this negociation was occasioned, in
a great degree, by religious animosities, which subsisted between the Canadians and
their neighbours, some of whom had at different times burnt their chapels.
When Lord Howe came to America, in 1776, vested with power to treat with the
colonists, a correspondence took place between him and Dr. Franklin, on the subject
of a reconciliation. Dr. Franklin was afterwards appointed, together with John Adams
and Edward Rutledge, to wait upon the commissioners, in order to learn the
extent of their power. These were found to be only to grant pardons upon submission.
These were terms which would not be accepted; and the object of the commissioners
could not be obtained.
The momentous question of independence was shortly after brought into view, at a time
when the fleets and armies, which were sent to enforce obedience, were truly
formidable. With an army, numerous indeed, but ignorant of discipline, and entirely
unskilled in the art of war, without money, without a fleet, without allies, and with
nothing but the love of liberty to support them, the colonists determined to
separate from a country, from which they had experienced a repetition of injury and
insult. In this question, Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favour of the measure
proposed, and had great influence in bringing over others to his sentiments.
The public mind had been pretty fully prepared for this event, by Mr. Paine's
celebrated pamphlet, Common Sense. There is good reason to believe that Dr. Franklin
had no inconsiderable share, at least, in furnishing materials for this work.
In the convention which assembled at Philadelphia in 1776, for the purpose of
establishing a new form of government for the state of Pennsylvania, Dr. Franklin
was chosen president. The late constitution of this state, which was the result of
their deliberations, may be considered as a digest of his principles of
government. The single legislature, and the plural executive, seem to have been his
favourite tenets.
In the latter end of 1776, Dr. Franklin was appointed to assist in the negociatious
which had been set on foot by Silas Deane at the court of France. A conviction of the
advantages of a commercial intercourse with America, and a desire of weakening the
British empire by dismembering it, first induced the French court to listen to
proposals of an alliance. But they shewed rather a reluctance to the measure, which,
by Dr. Franklin's address, and particularly by the success of the American arms
against general Burgoyne, was at length overcome; and in February 1778, a treaty of
alliance, offensive and defensive, was concluded; in consequence of which France
became involved in the war with Great Britain.
Perhaps no person could have been found, more capable of rendering essential services
to the United States at the court of France, than Dr. Franklin. He was well known as
a philosopher, and his character was held in the highest estimation. He was raceived
with the greatest marks of respect by all the literary characters; and this respect
was extended amongst all classes of men. His personal influence was hence very
considerable. To the effects of this were added those of various performances which
he published, tending to establish the credit and charecter of the United
States. To his exertions in this way, may, in no small degree, be ascribed the
success of the loans negociated in Holland and France, which greatly contributed to
bringing the war to a happy conclusion.
The repeated ill success of their arms, and more particularly the capture of
Cornwallis and his army, at length convinced the British nation of the impossibility
of reducing the Americans to subjection. The trading interest particularly became
very clamorous for peace. The ministry were unable longer to oppose their wishes.
Provisional articles of peace were agreed to, and signed at Paris on the 30th of
November, 1782, by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens, on the part of
the United States; and by Mr. Oswald on the part of Great Britain. These formed the
basis of the definitive treaty, which was concluded the 30th of September 1783, and
signed by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Jay, on the one part, and by Mr. David
Hartley on the other.
On the 3d of April 1783, a treaty of amity and commerce, betweed the United States
and Sweden, was concluded at Paris, by Dr. Franklin and the Count Von Kruitz.
A similar trearty with Prussia was concluded in 1785, not long before Dr. Franklin's
departure from Europe.
Dr. Franklin did not fuffer his political pursuits to engross his whole attention.
Some of his performances made their appearance in Paris. The object of
these was generally the promotion of industry and oeconomy.
In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made great noise in the world, particularly
at Paris, it was thought a matter of such importance, that the king appointed
commissioners to examine into the foundation of this pretended science. Dr. Franklin
was one of the number. After a fair and diligent examination, in the course of which
Mesmer repeated a number of experiments, in the presence of the commissioners, some
of which were tried upon themselves, they determined that it was a mere trick,
intended to impose upon the ignorant and credulous—Mesmer was thus interrupted in his
career to wealth and fame, and a most insolent attempt to impose upon the human
understanding baffled.
The important ends of Dr. Franklin's mission being completed by the establishment of
American independence, and the infirmities of age and disease coming upon him, he
became desirous of returning to his native country. Upon application to congress to
be recalled, Mr. Jefferson was appointed to succeed him, in 1785. Sometime in
September of the same year, Dr. Franklin arrived in Philadelphia. He was shortly
after chosen member of the supreme executive council for the city; and soon after
was elected president of the same.
When a convention was called to meet in Philadelphia, in 1787, for the purpose of
giving more energy to the government of the union, by revising and
amending the articles of confederation, Dr. Franklin was appointed a delegate from
the State of Pennsylvania. He signed the constitution which they proposed for the
union, and gave it the most unequivocal marks of his approbation.
A society for political enquiries, of which Dr. Franklin was president, was
established about this period. The meetings were held at his house. Two or three
essays read in the society were published. It did not long continue.
In the year 1787, two societies were established in Philadelphia, founded on
principles of the most liberal and refined humanity—The Philadelphia Society for
alleviating the miseries of public prisons; and the Pennsylvania Society for
promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in
bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the African race. Of each of these
Dr. Franklin was president. The labours of these bodies have been crowned with
great success; and they continue to prosecute, with unwearied diligence, the
laudable designs for which they were established.
Dr. Franklin's increasing infirmities prevented his regular attendance at the
council-chamber; and, in 1788, he retired wholly from public life.
His constitution had been a remarkably good one. He had been little subject to
disease, except an attack of the gout occasionally, until the year 1781,
when he was first attacked with the symptoms of the calculous complaint, which
continued during his life. During the intervals of pain from this grievous disease,
he spent many cheerful hours, conversing in the most agreeable and instructive
manner. His faculties were intirely unimpaired, even to the hour of his death.
His name, as president of the Abolition Society, was signed to the memorial
presented to the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 12th of
February 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of power vested in them by the
constitution, in discouraging the traffick of the human species. This was his last
public act. In the debates to which this memorial gave rise, several attempts were
made to justify the trade. In the Federal Gazette of March 25th, there appeared an
essay, signed Historicus, written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a speech,
said to have been delivered in the Divan of Algiers in 1687, in opposition to the
prayer of the petition of a sect called Erika, or purists, for the abolition of
piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an excellent parody of one
delivered by Mr. Jackson of Georgia. All the arguments urged in favour of negroe
slavery, are applied with equal force to justify the plundering and enslaving the
Europeans. It affords, at the same time, a demonstration of the futility of [Page
184]the arguments in defence of the slave trade, and of the strength of mind and
ingenuity of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnished too a no less
convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other times and nations, than
his celebrated parable against persecution. And as the latter led many to search the
scriptures with a view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the
book-stores and libraries, for the work from which it was said to be extracted.
In the beginning of April following, he was attacked with a fever and complaint of
his breast, which terminated his existence. The following account of his last illness
was written by his friend and physician, Dr. Jones.
"The stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had for the last
twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed; and during the extreme painful
paroxysms, he was obliged to take large doses of laudanum to mitigate his
tortures—still, in the intervals of pain, he not only amused himself with reading and
conversing with his family, and a few friends who visited him, but was often employed
in doing business of a public as well as private nature, with various persons who
waited on him for that purpose; and in every instance displayed, not only that
readiness and disposition of doing good, which was the distinguishing characteristic
of his life, but the fullest and clearest possession of his uncommon mental
abilities; and not unfrequently indulged himself in those jeux d'esprit and
entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all who heard him.
"About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish indisposition,
without any particular symptoms attending it, till the third or fourth day, when he
complained of a pain in his left breast, which increased till it became extremely
acute, attended with a cough and laborious breathing. During this state, when the
severity of his pains sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would
observe—that he was afraid he did not bear them as he ought—acknowledged his grateful
sense of the many blessings he had received from that supreme being, who had raised
him from small and low beginnings to such high rank and consideration among men—and
made no doubt but his present afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a
world in which he was no longer fit to act the part assigned him. In this frame of
body and mind he continued till five days before his death, when his pain and
difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves
with the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed itself in
his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great quantity of matter, which he
continued to throw up while he had sufficient strength to do it; but, as that
failed, the organs of respiration became gradually oppressed—a calm
lethargic state succeeded—and, on the 17th of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at
night, he quietly expired, closing a long and useful life of eighty-four years and
three months.
"It may not be amiss to add to the above account, that Dr. Franklin, in the year
1735, had a severe pleurisy, which terminated in an abscess of the left lobe of his
lungs, and he was then almost suffocated with the quantity and suddenness of the
discharge. A second attack of a similar nature happened some years after this, from
which he soon recovered, and did not appear to suffer any inconvenience in his
respiration from these diseases."
The following epitaph on himself, was written by him many years previous to his
death: ‘THE BODY of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Printer, (Like the cover of an old book, Its
contents torn out, And stript of its lettering and gilding) Lies here, food for
worms; Yet the work itself shall not be lost, For it will (as he believed) appear
once more, In a new And more beautiful edition, Corrected and amended by The
AUTHOR.’
